When do people perceive themselves to be losing out from international economic integration? Do these perceptions translate into vote change? Existing literature studies gain and loss from economic integration as a function of its objective material effect and political preferences that follow are assumed to reflect concerns about a broader set of social outcomes that they associate with economic openess, particularly reentment about relative deprivation.
Many resource dependent states have to varying degrees, failed to provide for the welfare of their own populations, could threaten global energy markets, and could pose security risks for the United States and other countries. Many are in Africa, but also Central Asia (Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan), Southeast Asia (Cambodia, Burma, East Timor), and South America (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador) Some have only recently become – or are about to become – significant resource exporters. Many have histories of conflict and poor governance. The recent boom and decline in commodity prices –
In this article Ackerly sets out a method of justification for a universal theory of human rights that is able to identify human rights and responsibilities in patterns of human rights violations that are experienced by individuals and by classes or catagories of people. She concludes with an outline of the responsibilities for human rights that would correspond to this view. The theory justifies a view of responsibilities and duty- bearers that is enlarged beyond those anticipated by an entitlement-based theory of human rights.
The republican tradition continues to frame French debates on empire, as it has done since the Revolution. French republicanism and Anglophone liberalism have shared numerous features in relation to empire: both are egalitarian traditions of moral universalism, and both uphold an ideal of political emancipation that has tended to entail assimilation to a European political model.
In this paper (which is a chapter from a book manuscript on the ethics of immigration), Carens explore the principled challenges to open borders that grow out of concerns for community. He begins with the claim that our moral commitments to freedom and equality apply only within the boundaries of the state. Next I consider the relationship between sovereignty and immigration. Carens then turn to the threats that some say free movement would pose to national security, to democratic values, and to public order.
An equilibrium search model of the Malawian HIV/AIDS epidemic is presented. Individuals engage in di¤erent types of sexual activity, which vary in their riskiness. When choosing a sexual activity, such as short-term sex without a condom, a person rationally considers its risk. A simulated version of the model is parameterized to match some salient facts about the Malawian epidemic.
This paper is part of a larger project on how we should regulate conduct that is socially productive, but poses some risk of harm to others. The official technique for risk regulation in the modern administrative state is some form of cost/benefit analysis: we tote up the expected social benefits and expected social costs of alternative courses of conduct, and opt for that course that is expected to generate the largest aggregate benefits (net of costs). There is a vast and growing critical literature on the normative, conceptual, and administrative problems with cost/benefit analysis.
A well-known puzzle in the study of Asian democratization is the inverse relationship between the level of democracy and the support for the "D" word. According to the latest Asian Barometer survey, Thailand, China, Vietnam, Mongolia, and Cambodia have a much higher level of overt support for democracy than those well-recognized democracies such as Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. To unravel this puzzle, the authors develop a new regression method for the two-dimensional typological analysis including the "D" word and the liberal democratic attitude.
One of the routine assumptions of students of democratization has been that there is a close, causal relationship between liberalization and democratization. The former is said to drive those who concede it toward convoking credible elections and, eventually, tolerating ruler accountability to citizens. The link between those processes of regime transformation is alleged to be the mobilization of civil society.