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The Stanford Deliberative Democracy Lab, based at the University’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, today released the findings from two national Community Forums on the evolving expectations around privacy and governance of AI-powered wearable devices. In collaboration with Meta, the forum engaged a representative sample of 550 participants — 300 from the United States and 250 from India — to solicit people's perspectives on user controls and societal expectations. The Community Forums were conducted as national Deliberative Polls.

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What makes a corporation American, Italian, Chinese, or any other nationality – and who gets to decide? In the contemporary global economy, corporate national identity (CNI) can no longer be understood as a fixed legal attribute. Rather, it emerges from the interaction of four interrelated facets – legal, economic, (geo)political, and symbolic – whose relative salience varies across contexts and over time. Classical legal tests such as the jurisdiction of incorporation, real seat doctrine, and corporate control remain important, but they are increasingly insufficient. In a world of weaponized interdependence, data location and access, supply-chain geography, state influence over private firms, and efforts to shape public perceptions of corporate identity now play central roles in determining how firms are classified and treated. Two nascent tests are emerging across these facets: what might be called a “data seat” doctrine that treats data location and access as a marker of CNI, and a government influence test that looks beyond voting equity to assess the degree of state leverage over corporate decision-making.

Drawing on case studies involving TikTok, Shein, Pirelli, and Nippon Steel’s acquisition of U.S. Steel, the article illustrates how CNI is increasingly contested and actively reconstructed. The result is a potential shift away from a binary world in which cross-border transactions are either permitted or blocked, toward a more intrusive model in which states restructure governance arrangements midstream in the name of national security, while firms seek to strategically shape their identities to navigate this new reality. The article explores new questions CNI contestation and engineering raise for corporate law, investor protection, and cross-border investment.

 

Related Blog Post - Published in Harvard Law School Forum on Corporate Governance:

 

Corporate National Identity: Contestation and Reconfiguration in an Age of Weaponized Interdependence > 

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Curtis J. Milhaupt
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American Political Development (APD) scholars have long sought to escape notions of American exceptionalism — the view that the United States is qualitatively distinct in ways that limit the usefulness of comparative analysis. This article presents a comparative framework that reframes the issue of exceptionalism by distinguishing between two analytic logics: divergence and lack of convergence. The exercise consists of examining the U.S. divergence from cases with shared starting points in Latin America and assessing convergence — or its absence — with European cases that began from markedly different initial conditions. Viewed from these two lenses, the U.S. fits neither pattern of development neatly. It followed a different trajectory shaped by contingent historical choices and specific structural characteristics. However, treating the U.S. as a comparative case study proves analytically productive: it sharpens counterfactual reasoning, permits the transfer of comparative lessons, and revises interpretations of core theories of political development, including debates over institutional sequencing.

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Studies in Comparative International Development
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Julieta Casas
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This article was written by Dr. Larry Becker, Africa Project Coordinator at SPICE, 1982–1985, and Professor Emeritus of Geography at Oregon State University in Corvallis. This is the fourth of several articles—focusing on the 50-year history of SPICE—that will be posted this year. In its early years, SPICE comprised several separate area-focused projects.

Happy 50th birthday to SPICE! Those 50 years are a testament to the enduring value of the program and its ability to change with the times.

While enrolled in the Stanford Teacher Education Program (STEP) in 1982, I took David Grossman’s Global Education course and learned about the work of SPICE. It felt like a comfortable fit and welcome program following my upbringing in the integrated Berkeley public schools and undergraduate degree in geography. After the course, David approached me about the SPICE Africa Project Coordinator position. The coordinator at the time, Nebby Crawford, was leaving. Two years earlier, I had spent a summer in Mali with Operation Crossroads Africa. I gave a presentation at the Bay Area Global Education Program (BAGEP) Africa Summer Institute for teachers, plunging into the SPICE world of in-service teacher education at age 23.

Over the next three years, I had the privilege of working with the SPICE team, Stanford African Studies faculty and students, Bay Area K–12 teachers, and a network of African Studies outreach coordinators around the country. At the time, the Africa Project Coordinator position was partly funded by the Title VI Joint Center for African Studies at Stanford and U.C. Berkeley. I thus was exposed to rich academic African Studies educational resources while representing SPICE at annual conferences. I also established working relationships with members of the Stanford African Students Association. Graduate students from various countries contributed to the Summer Institute on Africa, visited precollegiate classrooms, and reviewed supplementary curriculum SPICE units that we developed with K–12 teachers. 

In the summer of 1984, I co-led a U.S. Department of Education-funded summer education trip for teachers to Nigeria. Together with co-leader, Dr. Faye McNair-Knox—with a background in Hausa linguistics and community organizing in East Palo Alto—we navigated a country recently under military rule with an overvalued currency on a limited budget. As the group travelled from a festival in the Gumel Emirate near the Niger border south to the metropolis of Lagos on the Gulf of Guinea, we stayed at university campuses where Bay Area teachers were exposed to Nigeria’s rich culture through professors from a variety of fields, local leaders, and artists. (Photo below of the Emir of Gumel’s entourage at the end of Ramadan, June 1984, in what is now Jigawa State, Nigeria, as seen during a summer education trip for teachers; courtesy of Larry Becker.)

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photo of people in Nigeria


By the time I left SPICE, the Africa Project had five curriculum units: Analyzing the Press (1985), Development Decisions: Ghana’s Volta River Project (1985), What Is a Resource? (1985), Two Voices from Nigeria: Nigeria through the Literature of Chinua Achebe and Buchi Emecheta by Nigeria trip participants Lyn Reese and Rick Clarke (1985), and Voici l’Afrique Francophone with Foster City French teacher Joan Henley (1986).

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five curriculum units on Africa


Enriched by the work at SPICE, I completed a PhD in geography with research on agrarian change in Mali at the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) and a postdoc at the Africa Rice Center in Cote d’Ivoire. I had a university career teaching geography, notably large enrollment world regional geography courses, that greatly benefited from what I learned while at SPICE. 

Over the years of teaching about Africa in the U.S., I saw how attention to the context, identity, and positionality of the instructor and students contributes to successful classroom strategies and curriculum development. My SPICE experience provided a base for understanding this evolving pedagogy. In touch with SPICE colleagues years later, former colleague Steve Thorpe contributed to a seminar series that I led at Oregon State University aimed at globalizing courses throughout the campus. The ideas of SPICE carry on in familiar ways in new teaching settings!

To stay informed of SPICE news, join our email list and follow us on FacebookX, and Instagram.

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Celebrating SPICE’s 50th: Gratitude to Dr. Daniel Okimoto, Professor Emeritus, Stanford

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Laurie Yokoyama Becker, Larry Becker, and SPICE Founding Director David Grossman in Kaneohe, Hawaii, in May 2026. | Photo courtesy of Larry Becker
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Professor Emeritus Larry Becker reflects on the early years of SPICE’s Africa Project and how his experience with SPICE enriched and informed his academic journey and teaching practice.

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This blog first appeared in The National Interest.



The return of President Donald Trump to the White House has not only increased geopolitical volatility – it has fundamentally altered expectations about how far major powers are willing to go to secure strategic advantage. What once seemed rhetorical excess—such as his repeated remarks about acquiring Greenland – now appears less implausible in light of recent events. From the escalating crisis in Venezuela in early 2026 to the ongoing Iran War as of May 2026, the United States has signaled a willingness to pursue geopolitical advantage with fewer constraints than before.

 

Against this backdrop, the Arctic is no longer a peripheral theater. It is rapidly emerging as a central arena where climate changeenergy security, and great-power competition intersect. The question is not whether the Arctic matters, but how states will position themselves in a region where the rules are still being written.

 

A Strategic Arctic, not a Peripheral One


The renewed US interest in Greenland should not be understood narrowly as a territorial ambition. Rather, it reflects a broader strategic calculation about the Arctic. The melting of Arctic ice – combined with technological advances—is making previously inaccessible resources and shipping routes increasingly viable. In this sense, Greenland is not the story – the Arctic is.

The Arctic is estimated to hold roughly 13 percent of the world’s undiscovered oil and 30 percent of its natural gas, making it one of the last major frontiers of global energy development. At the same time, new maritime routes such as the Northern Sea Route (NSR) and the emerging Transpolar Sea Route (TSR) promise to significantly shorten shipping distances between Asia and Europe.

 

For major powers, the implications are profound. Russia has already positioned itself as the dominant Arctic actor, leveraging its geography and resource base. China, through its “Polar Silk Road” initiative, seeks to embed the Arctic into its broader connectivity strategy. Meanwhile, the United States, increasingly viewing the region through a strategic lens, is attempting to mobilize its alliances to counterbalance these moves.

As recent studies suggest, the Arctic is becoming a new frontier of great-power competition – one where economic, military, and legal dimensions are deeply intertwined.

Why South Korea Is Paying Attention to the Arctic 

 

For South Korea, interest in the Arctic may appear surprising at first glance – especially given the ideological orientation of its current progressive government. Traditionally, progressive administrations in Seoul have emphasized engagement with continental powers such as China and Russia, while seeking rapprochement with North Korea. They have also shown interest in infrastructure connectivity across the Eurasian landmass.

 

Yet the Arctic presents a different kind of opportunity – one that aligns with both geopolitical necessity and economic ambition.


 

Eunjung Lim, a professor in the Division of International Studies at Kongju National University (KNU), is a visiting scholar at Shorenstein APARC from April 2026 to February 2027. She is also a member of the governing board of the Asia-Pacific Leadership Network and a member of the Subcommittee on Energy and Just Transition of the Presidential Commission on Carbon Neutrality and Green Growth. She earned a BA from the University of Tokyo, an MIA from Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs, and a PhD from Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies.

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As Arctic ice melts, South Korea sees new opportunities in energy, shipping, and shipbuilding – but also growing geopolitical risks tied to US-China-Russia competition.

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The Stanford Deliberative Democracy Lab, based at the University’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, today released the findings from two national Community Forums on the evolving expectations around privacy and governance of AI-powered wearable devices. In collaboration with Meta, the forum engaged a representative sample of 550 participants — 300 from the United States and 250 from India — to solicit people's perspectives on user controls and societal expectations. The Community Forums were conducted as national Deliberative Polls.

As AI wearables see rapid adoption worldwide, understanding public attitudes can help to ensure these technologies are developed and deployed responsibly. Three key themes emerged from the forum. Participants in both the U.S. and India indicated the highest levels of support for users having controls over when their wearables passively process environments and actively capture data. U.S. participants consistently favored individual agency over how wearables are used, both in public and private settings, whereas in India, there was a slight preference for governments to decide wearable usage rules in public spaces. Additionally, U.S. participants supported workplaces and schools having the primary authority to decide how AI-powered wearables should be used in those environments, while Indian participants also saw a significant role for governments in these settings.

The forum also revealed important nuances in public perspectives. For example, participants expressed a preference for AI wearables that are tailored to cultural and regional contexts, rather than standardized global designs. There was also broad support for AI agents capable of responding to emotional cues, underscoring the public's desire for personalized, human-centric wearable experiences.

"This global forum provided invaluable insights into how the public's expectations around privacy and governance of wearable AI are evolving," said Alice Siu, Associate Director of the Stanford Deliberative Democracy Lab. "The findings will be essential for policymakers, technology companies, and other stakeholders as they work to ensure these powerful technologies empower users while respecting fundamental rights."

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National community forums in the U.S. and India highlight differences in preferences for privacy, user control, and governance of emerging technologies.

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  • Stanford’s Deliberative Democracy Lab convened national forums in the U.S. and India to examine public attitudes toward AI-powered wearable devices.
  • Participants in both countries strongly supported user control over data collection, with differences in preferences for government and institutional oversight.
  • Findings highlight demand for culturally tailored designs and personalized, human-centered AI features as adoption of wearables grows.
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Introduction and Contribution:


There is a growing recognition, both in and outside of the academy, that democracy requires more than simply voting for and removing incumbents during elections. For one, relying solely on elected representatives deprives those being represented of direct control over decisions that affect them. In addition, it can also generate — as it has in the United States and elsewhere — large gaps in responsiveness and representation, particularly for historically disenfranchised and marginal groups. 

Participatory budgeting (PB) represents one influential attempt to overcome these gaps in democratic practice. First introduced in the 1980s by the Brazilian Workers’ Party (PT), PB empowers voters to allocate public funds to projects that benefit them. Since then, ordinary citizens in thousands of places across the world have helped determine the content of local budgets.

Despite its successes, academics and practitioners remain unclear about how to address and balance considerations related to budget constraints and ease of participation. This coincides with well-known mathematical difficulties surrounding the aggregation of votes, for example, that individually consistent preferences can yield inconsistent group outcomes.

Participatory budgeting empowers voters to allocate public funds to projects that benefit them.

In “Rank, Pack, or Approve,” Lodewijk Gelauff and Ashish Goel introduce a dataset drawn from the novel and comprehensive Stanford Participatory Budgeting platform. The data span over 150 real participatory budgeting processes, or “elections.” Importantly, the elections vary in terms of how ballots are designed and how participants make budgeting decisions. Gelauff and Goel ask how such variation shapes important budgeting outcomes, such as when participants are more likely to become fatigued and abandon the process. 

Two key findings from the study are as follows: First, more complex PB designs lead voters to, perhaps unsurprisingly, spend more time participating; however, this does not significantly increase abandonment or “dropout” rates. Second, voting methods that force participants to deal with cost trade-offs — as opposed to merely indicating their preferences — have been found to generate less expensive projects. 

The reader comes away with a sense of how subtle differences in the design of budgeting elections meaningfully shape the allocation of resources. This will resonate with social scientists who are familiar with how, for example, different kinds of electoral rules shape political competition. To understand Gelauff and Goel’s findings, it helps to first outline how PB elections differ from one another.

Ballot Design and Voting Methods:


The basic PB setup involves organizers choosing a voting method, a list of projects to potentially be funded, and an authentication process (i.e., checking that participants are valid voters). Voters then select or rank projects given the constraints of each voting rule or method. These three rules, captured in the paper’s title, are as follows: 

The first, “K-approval,” asks voters to select up to “K” projects. The top-voted projects receive funding until the budget runs out. K-approval is simple, but its main drawback is that it ignores the costliness of each project: voters only indicate which projects they like, rather than how those choices fit within a fixed budget. The second method, “K-ranking,” asks voters to rank their preferred projects, capturing their preferences in a more fine-grained manner. As votes are aggregated using the Borda scoring method, higher-ranked projects receive greater weight or value. Finally, the “knapsack” method asks voters to choose projects that fit within a fixed budget. This method best allows participants to balance costs in a way that mimics real city councils. However, knapsack is more complex and time-consuming than K-approval or K-ranking, although the online interface design, which mimics a shopping cart, is already much simpler than it would be on paper. 

Data Collection and Findings:


As mentioned, Gelauff and Goel’s data is drawn from the open-source Stanford PB platform. This tool enables cities to conduct online PB elections with a great deal of customizability, including location, budget, language of operation, authentication process (e.g., requiring personal information or sending SMS messages), as well as methods, phases, and windows of voting. Key for the authors’ purposes, it also tracks (anonymous) voters’ choices and how much time they spend during the election. Data collection began in 2014. 

The first key finding is motivated by the fact that election organizers often prefer K-approval for its simplicity. As such, Gelauff and Goel analyze how much time participants spend on their ballots and how often they quit. Although more complex ballots — those with a larger budget and number of projects — are shown to predict longer completion times, they do not significantly increase dropout rates. The authors note that more research is needed to assess whether knapsack specifically affects dropout.

The authors also find that voters select more expensive projects with K-approval compared to the knapsack methods. However, voters indicate similarly expensive preferences for their most-preferred projects under both methods; the key difference appears lower down the list of preferences, where the knapsack constraint forces them to be more cost-conscious. In other words, the knapsack cost constraint doesn’t affect which expensive project participants most prefer. Rather, it limits how many extra expensive projects they can add.

Overall, “Rank, Pack, or Approve” deepens our understanding of how PB can improve direct democratic engagement while reducing burdens on participants. It does this while providing a large quantity of real-world data, compared with prior research that has relied on crowdworkers without a real stake in the budgeting outcome. The authors helpfully illustrate how local governments can design PB processes that are clearer and more inviting to ordinary voters. Subsequent research will benefit from using this powerful data resource, as will organizers seeking to expand local engagement.

*Brief prepared by Adam Fefer.

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CDDRL Research-in-Brief [3.5-minute read]

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As U.S. President Donald Trump prepares to visit Beijing on May 14-15, 2026, for a highly anticipated summit with President Xi Jinping, the world is watching to see if the two leaders can stabilize a U.S.-China relationship strained by disputes over trade, technological race, the future of Taiwan, and the rippling effects of the conflict with Iran.

Trump’s trip to Beijing – already rescheduled once due to the conflict in the Middle East – has been described as having tremendous symbolic significance. Yet, expectations for a breakthrough on specific deliverables should remain low, according to Susan Thornton, a China expert and former U.S. diplomat. Thornton joined APARC Director Kiyoteru Tsutsui on the latest episode of the APARC Briefing video series to analyze the potential outcomes of the Trump-Xi summit and the high-stakes dynamics shaping U.S.-China relations.
 

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Kiyoteru Tsutsui interviews Susan Thornton.


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Symbols Over Deliverables


Thornton’s nearly three-decade career with the U.S. State Department in Eurasia and East Asia culminated in her role as Acting Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs during the first Trump administration. She offered a pragmatic forecast for the Trump-Xi summit, arguing that its primary value lies in the act of meeting itself.

While both President Trump and President Xi are committed to keeping their dialogue, the expectations for concrete outcomes on pivotal issues in the U.S.-China bilateral relationship should be tempered, argued Thornton, who is currently a senior fellow at Yale Law School’s Paul Tsai China Center, the director of the Forum on Asia-Pacific Security at the National Committee on American Foreign Policy, and a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution. 

Whether on Taiwan or other pressing matters, China has made it clear it is not interested in a “G2 or a grand bargain” and has relatively low expectations for the list of substantive disputes between the two powers.

The Shadow of the Iran War


The ongoing conflict with Iran has added a new layer of complexity to the tense bilateral relationship. President Trump heads to Beijing after unsuccessful efforts to pressure China into helping reopen the Strait of Hormuz, while Beijing continues backing Tehran politically and potentially militarily. 

Thornton assessed that China will not allow the conflict to derail its high-level engagement with Washington, even as it officially disapproves of the U.S. intervention in the Middle East. “Keeping the U.S.-China relationship on track is much more important than having some kind of a protest signal like that,” she stated.

She suggested that Beijing may see a strategic advantage in America’s renewed focus on the Middle East. While China has made nominal peace proposals, it has not stepped up as a mediator. “It seems like they are kind of hanging back and waiting to see what will happen,” Thornton observed. She posited that, from Beijing’s perspective, a U.S. entanglement in the Middle East may serve as a useful distraction, diverting Washington’s attention and pressure away from China.

At the same time, China is hedging its bets by securing alternative energy supplies and gaining influence in regions where the conflict in the Middle East has damaged U.S. credibility.

The biggest problem for U.S. negotiators is focusing on two or three enduring and major asks of the Chinese in the trade and economic market-opening space. We've really had a hard time deciding what it is that we want from China.
Susan Thornton

Trade and Tech: A Call for a Paradigm Shift


On the economic front, Thornton drew on her deep experience in trade negotiations to critique the lack of focus in U.S. policy.

"The biggest problem for U.S. negotiators is deciding what it is that we want from China," she said. "We tend to give them a long list of revolving priorities, which [makes it easy for the] other side of the negotiating table to just fob them off and not actually commit to anything over years of negotiations.”

On the technology rivalry between the two powers, Thornton urged a shift in strategy. Rather than pursuing sweeping export controls that are often unilateral and incomplete, she advocated for a narrower, multilateral approach focused on the most sensitive technologies, combined with a greater emphasis on American innovation. AI governance is one of the areas Thornton believes could be a common ground for Washington and Beijing to align their policies.

“It's going to be very hard for the United States to contain China's technological ambitions and growth,” she said. “I don't think that we're exactly competing on the same metrics. I question how it is that we're going to be able to keep China from getting technologies that are dual-use but might be useful in some military application when these things are basically economy-wide products.”

When it comes to technological competition, "We need to try to run faster than China, not be constantly trying to trip China up and looking in the rearview mirror," Thornton urged. "I don't think that's going to bode well for the long-term development of the U.S. tech sector."

The Taiwan Flashpoint: A Longer-Term Challenge


While Taiwan remains the most dangerous flashpoint that could trigger a kinetic warfare between the United States and China, Thornton believes that the immediate risk of conflict has receded, in accordance with recent U.S. threat assessments that no longer see 2027 as a likely target date for a potential Chinese takeover of the island.

Beijing, she argued, is closely watching the domestic political situation in Taiwan and how the leadership in Taipei views U.S. reliability and support. “I think the Chinese have determined, based on both of those things they've been watching, that they can afford to wait a bit longer, see what happens.”

Thornton cautioned, however, that, even as a conflict over Taiwan may no longer pose an immediate-term threat, “it is a problem that is going to develop over the coming decade.”

Diplomacy in a Multipolar World Order 


When asked about the future of the global order, Thornton described a trend toward fragmentation. If the United States steps back from its global leadership role, it is difficult to see who else would be willing or able to shoulder the cost of providing global public goods, she said. A “thinner world order,” with the United Nations at its center, may eventually find favor with countries that can afford to pay for some of those goods, she reflected.

In a closing advice for aspiring foreign service officers, Thornton argued that the emergence of a multipolar world reinforces the need for skilled diplomacy. “As the global order changes and more countries come into the mix of the councils of politics in the world, the United States will have to lean back toward diplomacy more,” she predicted.

“We're going to need very good diplomats,” she concluded, because it will be significantly harder to be an American diplomat in a fragmented world order in which the United States is no longer the single overwhelmingly dominant power.

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Speaking on the latest episode of the APARC Briefing series, China expert and veteran diplomat Susan Thornton argues for managing expectations of the summit between the two presidents, rethinking the U.S.-China technology competition, and understanding Beijing’s long game on Taiwan.

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Valentin Bolotnyy, an affiliated scholar at Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL), has been appointed Vice Chair of the Governor’s Council of Economic Advisors by Gavin Newsom. The council serves as a strategic advisory body to the governor and the California Department of Finance, bringing together leading experts to analyze economic trends and provide guidance on state and federal developments.

The announcement introduces new leadership for the council, with Renee Bowen (Georgetown University McDonough School of Business and the Walsh School of Foreign Service) serving as Chair and Bolotnyy as Vice Chair. The group convenes experts from academia, policy, and industry to examine evolving economic conditions and advise on issues shaping California’s economy, including federal policy shifts, trade dynamics, and emerging technologies like artificial intelligence.

Bolotnyy is a Kleinheinz Fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he contributes to the State and Local Governance Initiative and the Working Group on Civics and American Citizenship. His research focuses on designing and evaluating policies that improve economic and health outcomes, particularly for vulnerable populations, often in partnership with state and local agencies.

Using administrative data, quasi-experimental methods, and randomized controlled trials, his work examines issues including involuntary hospitalization, deinstitutionalization, and interventions for individuals cycling through hospitals, jails, and homelessness, as well as prison education and workforce development programs. He is also affiliated with CDDRL's Deliberative Democracy Lab.

His appointment comes as California continues to navigate global economic disruptions and policy shifts, with the council playing a key role in helping the state respond to emerging challenges and opportunities.

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The CDDRL-affiliated scholar is among the newly appointed council leadership advising on economic trends, federal shifts, and emerging challenges facing California.

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The Stanford Program on International and Cross-Cultural Education (SPICE) is pleased to announce that applications are now being accepted for the Fall 2026 session of Introduction to Contemporary China, an intensive online course offered by the China Scholars Program (CSP). Designed for motivated U.S. high school students, this course introduces students to contemporary China through an interdisciplinary and discussion-based approach. The course is open to rising 10th, 11th, and 12th graders nationwide.

Fall 2026 China Scholars Program: Introduction to Contemporary China
Application period: May 6 to June 20, 2026
Tuition: $2500
Program dates: September 3 to December 19, 2026

As China’s global stature continues to rise, as it takes on leading roles in the clean energy transition and AI development, international trade, international security, and much more, it becomes more vital than ever to understand it. Through CSP, students explore the historical developments, domestic challenges, and global relationships that shape contemporary China and its interactions with the United States.

Throughout the semester, students participate in weekly Zoom sessions featuring leading experts from Stanford University and beyond as guest speakers. Coursework includes college-level readings, analytical discussions, and written assignments that encourage students to engage critically with current issues affecting China and the broader international community.

A central component of the program is an independent research project in which students investigate a topic of their choice related to contemporary China. Past research topics have included environmental policy, education, artificial intelligence, demographics, popular culture, public health, economic reform, and media. Students conclude the course by producing a substantive academic paper based on their research.

In addition to learning from experts and peers across the United States, CSP students will also have the opportunity to connect online with Chinese students in the Stanford e-China Program, fostering meaningful cross-cultural dialogue and exchange.

The course also offers students an opportunity to explore potential interests in fields such as international relations, political science, business, journalism, public policy, and Asian studies before entering college.

CSP provides students with the knowledge, diverse perspectives, and analytical skills needed to better understand one of the world’s most consequential countries and its evolving relationship with the United States.

For more information, please visit the course website or contact Tanya Lee with questions.


The China Scholars Program is one of several online courses offered by SPICE.

To stay updated on SPICE news, join our email list and follow us on Facebook, X, and Instagram.

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Applications are open for CSP’s “Introduction to Contemporary China” course. Deadline: June 20, 2026.

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