Albania | Colombia | Democratic Republic of Congo | Egypt | Ethiopia | Ghana | India | Kazakhstan | Kenya | Kyrgyzstan | Mongolia | Pakistan | Russia | Senegal | Tibet | Turkey | Ukraine | Venezuela

ALBANIA
 

Lisjana Hila is an expert in financial sector development and economic growth, with a strong track record leading EU- and OECD-backed initiatives to improve SME access to finance across Libya, Montenegro, Uganda, and Palestine. She specializes in strengthening financial ecosystems, supporting regulatory reforms, and fostering private sector competitiveness in emerging markets. Lisjana holds an International MBA from Paris School of Business and a Master’s in Finance and Insurance from the University of Turin. She is fluent in Albanian, Italian, English, and French, with basic knowledge of Arabic.

COLOMBIA
 

Paloma Valencia has served as a Colombian senator since 2014. One of the strongest voices opposing President Petro’s leftist government, she is frequently cited as one of Colombia’s top senators. She currently sits on the First Commission, serves as co-president of the Senate’s Peace Commission, and is vice-president of the Human Rights Commission. Valencia has authored legislation that reduces bureaucracy for small businesses, supports artisanal liquor production, and redirects mining royalties toward environmental protection. A strong advocate for state austerity, she also champions the rights of single mothers, coffee growers, and farmers. Her reform efforts span public administration, the justice system, and political institutions. She holds degrees in law, philosophy, and economics from Universidad de Los Andes and earned a Master’s in Creative Writing from NYU.

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO
 

Jean Pierre Okenda is a distinguished lawyer, activist, and senior analyst in extractive industries governance. He holds a master’s degree in law and currently serves as Executive Director of Sentinel Natural Resources. A strong advocate for participatory governance and human rights in the extractive sector, Okenda has made a lasting impact through legal and policy reforms. In 2018, he played a key role in the commission responsible for reforming the Democratic Republic of Congo’s mining laws, helping to introduce provisions for equitable wealth sharing with affected communities. In recognition of his leadership in combating corruption, he was named one of the 100 most influential Africans in 2022. 

EGYPT
 

Tamer Elnahas is a political strategist and writer. With leadership roles in multiple parties, including the Egyptian Social Democratic Party and Masr El-Gedida (New Egypt), he has shaped grassroots mobilization efforts and electoral strategies. As a fierce advocate for democracy, he challenges authoritarian narratives through his widely read political analysis. Alongside his activism, Elnahas is an assistant professor and an expert in reproductive health.
 

Waleed Shawky is a political activist and researcher with over a decade of experience in democratic movements. He co-founded the April 6 Youth Movement, which played a key role in the 2011 Egyptian revolution, contributing to its strategic planning and digital communications. He holds a Master of Public Administration from Harvard Kennedy School and writes for MadaMasr, AlManasa, and the Journal of Democracy.

ETHIOPIA
 

Tigist Hailu Asfawossen is a peace, security, and strategic communications expert with 20+ years of experience in peace work in Africa. She currently leads strategic communications at the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), focusing on high-stakes diplomatic processes and translating conflict analysis into actionable insights. She led communications for IGAD’s South Sudan mediation process and numerous preventive diplomacy missions. A member of the African Union’s FEMWISE-Africa network and an international election observer, she is also a certified trainer in Conflict Prevention, Management, and Resolution (CPMR). She holds an MA in International Politics from the University of Bradford.

GHANA
 

Bright Sowu has over 10 years’ experience in anti-corruption and good governance. He currently serves as a Principal Staff Officer at Ghana’s Office of the Special Prosecutor, focusing on research and programs. Bright has previously worked with the Ghana Anti-Corruption Coalition, the European Union, the Japanese Embassy, and the University of Ghana. He has also worked as an anti-corruption consultant with Project Expedite Justice - Sudan, the UNCAC Coalition in Vienna, and ERGO, a New York consultancy firm. Bright is a course facilitator on “Democracy and Good Governance” for the Daakye Youth Fellowship. He holds an MPhil in Development Studies from the University of Cambridge, U.K.

INDIA
 

Hemakshi Meghani is the co-founder of the Indian School of Democracy (ISD), an organization dedicated to nurturing principled political leaders. She led ISD from its inception in 2018 until 2024. A World Bank Graduate Scholar, she earned her Master’s in Public Policy from the Harvard Kennedy School. Hemakshi began her career as a Teach For India fellow and later worked on education policy with Indus Action and the Boston Consulting Group. She has facilitated global leadership forums and is an Echoing Green Fellow, Acumen Foundry member, and a Dalai Lama Fellow. She is currently reimagining her work to advance inclusive democracy and increase women’s representation in politics.
 

Kastaurika Saikia is a development consultant from India, with over a decade of experience driving public sector initiatives across diverse domains — urban governance, public health, livelihoods, youth skilling, and gender equity. She holds a Master’s degree in Policy and Governance studies, and specialises in public policy analysis and implementation. Based in Assam, she has engaged with government departments to strengthen service delivery and social programs. She currently leads a regional skilling and self-learning initiative for youth in Northeast India, in partnership with the Skill India Mission. Kastaurika is committed to reducing structural inequalities and advancing human development.
 

Mukesh Kumar is an IAS officer and currently serves as Secretary of State Planning and Development for the Government of Jharkhand. He holds degrees from Patna University, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi University, and IMT Ghaziabad. He played a crucial role in ensuring peaceful elections in Maoist-affected regions, demonstrating strong skills in negotiation, persuasion, and stakeholder collaboration. His “Paint My City” campaign—praised by the Prime Minister of India in Mann Ki Baat—exemplifies his dedication to community engagement and cultural preservation. Mukesh has also mobilized 25,000 tribal women into sustainable enterprises, contributing significantly to their economic empowerment. His efforts have earned him several honors, including the Skoch Award and the Bharat Gaurav Award.

KAZAKHSTAN
 

Dimash Alzhanov is a prominent political analyst and consultant. He holds an MSc in Comparative Politics (Democracy) from the London School of Economics and Political Science and possesses broad expertise in elections and democratization. Since 2014, he has served as a Political and Campaign Finance Analyst with the OSCE/ODIHR on numerous elections, including those in Moldova, Montenegro, Bulgaria, Ukraine, Georgia, Italy, and Malta. Since 2019, he has initiated and managed various projects aimed at promoting political reforms and increasing political participation in Kazakhstan. He recently published a chapter in a book about party politics in authoritarian Kazakhstan.

KENYA
 

Caren Wakoli is the Founder and Executive Director of the Emerging Leaders Foundation (ELF-Africa), a nonprofit organization dedicated to supporting and accompanying young women and men in achieving meaningful, dignified, and impactful participation in governance, the economy, and public affairs at all levels of society. She is a consummate storyteller and believes in the power of stories to advance authentic leadership for sustainable development. With over 22 years of experience in governance, democracy, and youth development, Caren has established herself as a visionary leader in Africa and beyond. She is also a champion for well-being because she believes that well-being facilitates well-doing.
 

Winnie Masai is a dedicated human rights activist from Kenya with over 15 years of experience in media, human rights, and governance. As Executive Director of InformAction, she spearheads initiatives using film, community dialogue, and civic action to promote meaningful change. A founding board member of the Civic Freedoms Forum, she is committed to protecting civic space. Winnie empowers grassroots organizations through the Haki Ni Yetu Coalition and is on the board of the Midriff Hurinet. With a Master of Philosophy and a BSc. in Information Sciences from Moi University, she is passionate about fostering innovation and collaboration to inspire collective action within diverse communities.

KYRGYZSTAN
 

Ernis Isamatov has a strong background in democracy, development, human rights, and the rule of law, with extensive experience in addressing governance challenges. He leads the Trial Monitoring Project, which focuses on high-level corruption and organized crime, advancing transparency and accountability. Isamatov has successfully managed initiatives across the Western Balkans and Central Asia, including roles with OSCE field missions in Skopje and Dushanbe. As a results-driven professional with excellent analytical, reporting, and communication skills, he combines global perspectives with deep local knowledge, advocating for democratic reforms.

MONGOLIA
 

Nagi Otgonshar currently serves as a Member of Parliament in Mongolia. He was elected from the Mongolian People’s Party, the country’s ruling social democratic party, where he previously served as International Secretary. Before entering Parliament, he served as Vice Minister of Mining and prior to that, Senior Advisor to the Chief Cabinet Secretary, Government of Mongolia. He also worked as an investment banker at Bank of America Merrill Lynch in New York and Sydney, covering the natural resources sector in the Asia-Pacific region. Nagi holds an MBA from Harvard Business School, a BA in Economics from Macalester College, and is a Young Global Leader selected by the World Economic Forum.

PAKISTAN
 

Dr. Sara Sarwar is a Deputy Collector of Customs and a qualified medical doctor (MBBS) who transitioned into Pakistan’s civil service to drive institutional reform and advance trade policy. With a career spanning key leadership roles in customs, she has led transformative initiatives focused on regulatory transparency, digitalization, and revenue integrity. Her work emphasizes process optimization, anti-corruption measures, and sustainable trade facilitation, earning her recognition from both the World Customs Organization and the Federal Board of Revenue. She brings a results-driven, policy-focused approach to public sector leadership and economic governance.

RUSSIA
 

Grigory Vaypan is a Russian human rights lawyer and scholar. He is a Senior Lawyer at Memorial, Russia's oldest human rights group and co-recipient of the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize. At Memorial, Grigory carries out litigation, legal research, and legal advocacy on human rights, the rule of law, and transitional justice in Russia. He has over a decade of experience in strategic litigation before the Constitutional Court of Russia and the European Court of Human Rights. Grigory holds his first law degree from Moscow State University, an LL.M. from Harvard Law School, and a Ph.D. in International Law from Saint Petersburg State University.
 

Mark Ten is the CEO of TV Rain (Dozhd), Russia’s largest independent television channel, now based in Amsterdam. He led the company’s relocation and relaunch after its closure by Russian authorities in 2022. Previously, he led, scaled, and sold Sports.ru, Russia’s leading sports media platform. He was named to Forbes Russia’s 30 Under 30. At Dozhd, he oversees editorial, business, and product strategy, focusing on digital transformation and international growth. He holds a degree in sociology and works on projects supporting independent media and innovation.

SENEGAL
 

Malick Mbengue Fall is a Program Manager for the Democratic Futures in Africa Program at the Open Society Foundations, based in Dakar, Senegal. He joined OSF over a decade ago and has previously served in key roles at Open Society Africa and OSIWA, supporting initiatives that promote electoral integrity, economic justice, and human rights across the continent. Malick is a development professional with fourteen years of experience in the philanthropy sector, particularly in Africa. He holds a master’s in political science from Gaston Berger University.

TIBET
 

Tenzin Jigdal is a Member of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, serving on both the Standing and Political Affairs Committees. With over a decade of experience in nonprofit management, he specializes in advocating for Tibet and global human rights. He has successfully led international campaigns, built strategic partnerships, and engaged with diverse stakeholders, including Tibetan civil society organizations and the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA). Driven by a passion for social change, Tenzin is dedicated to advancing the Tibetan movement through innovative outreach, capacity-building, and policy advocacy.

TURKEY
 

Bilal Bilici is a Member of the Turkish Parliament representing Adana. He began his political career with the IYI Party, where he served as the U.S. representative. As of August 2024, he continues his political work with the main opposition party in Turkey, the Republican People’s Party (CHP). A Boston University Economics graduate, he also holds a Master’s in Global Affairs from Bahcesehir University. He has worked at Accenture and Ernst & Young, and served as Vice President of the Turkish-Central American/Caribbean Business Council at DEIK, also sitting on its Turkish-Uzbek Council. He was elected to Parliament in 2023.

UKRAINE*
 

Polina Aldoshyna is a Ukrainian lawyer and civic leader with over nine years of experience in law, public administration, and nonprofit management. She currently leads the BGV Charity Fund, where she oversees social projects that support vulnerable communities. In addition, she serves as a Deputy of the Zhytomyr Regional Council, focusing on local governance and social policy. Throughout her career, Polina has managed over 60 humanitarian projects, including the establishment of psychosocial support centers and aid programs for displaced individuals and veterans.
 

Oleksii Movchan is a Member of the Ukrainian Parliament and Deputy Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Economic Development, representing the “Servant of the People” faction. He chairs the subcommittee on public procurements and state property management, and is active in inter-parliamentary groups with the USA, UK, Japan, and others. Before parliament, he led projects at Prozorro.Sale. Oleksii holds degrees from Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukrainian Catholic University, and Kyiv School of Economics. He has advanced key reforms in procurements, state-owned companies, and privatization to support Ukraine’s European Union integration.
 

Maria Golub is a recognized expert on Ukraine’s European and Euro-Atlantic integration, with deep expertise in EU-Ukraine bilateral relations. Based in Brussels, she currently serves as a Senior Political and Policy Advisor to Ukrainian leadership, where she advocates for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine and supports the country’s advancement along the EU integration path through a decisive reform agenda. She is also actively involved in shaping Ukraine’s reconstruction strategy and is a strong proponent of the “build back better” principle, championing an ambitious revival plan for the country.
 

Alyona Nevmerzhytska is CEO of hromadske.ua, Ukraine’s leading independent online media platform. She began her career in 2012 at the Kyiv Post and has since focused on business development and organizational strategy. At hromadske, she has enhanced audience engagement and strengthened data-driven decision-making. Committed to building sustainable models for independent media, she ensures ethical newsroom operations and promotes democratic values. She is a graduate of the Stockholm School of Economics, an Atlantic Council Millennium Fellow, and a 2024 McCain Institute Global Leader.
 

*These fellows are jointly participating in CDDRL’s Strengthening Ukrainian Democracy and Development Program.

VENEZUELA
 

Isabella Picón Ball is a Venezuelan social activist, researcher, and consultant. She holds an undergraduate degree in Political Science from Northwestern University, an MSc in Political Communications from the London School of Economics (LSE), and is a Chevening Scholar. She actively participated in the 2017 and 2019 civil resistance campaigns against the dictatorship of Nicolas Maduro, co-founding @LaboCiudadano and helping it become an organization and activist collective that promotes nonviolent action. She is now part of Labo's board of advisors. In 2024, she and other political and social activists led the initiative Toma El Control, a campaign and platform aimed at promoting civic organizing and youth participation in the 2024 Presidential Elections.
 

Lilian Tintori is a certified coach, human rights advocate, and founder of “Free Them,” the Political Prisoner Program of the World Liberty Congress. A Venezuelan living in exile in Spain, she supports families of political prisoners and leads international advocacy for their release. She holds degrees from Universidad Católica Andrés Bello and completed leadership training at IE Madrid. The “Free Them” program is grounded in Pathway to Freedom, a handbook she helped develop with interdisciplinary experts to equip families with tools to secure the release of their loved ones. She also coaches leaders through IESE Business School and the Human Rights Foundation, providing emotional support and enhancing mental health.

Other notable presentations included discussions on public deliberation practices in South Korea, deliberative mini-publics in France, deliberative participatory budgeting in China, and Mongolia’s experience with deliberative democracy in a global context. One of the panelists for the latter topic included Bulgantuya Khurelbaatar, Vice Chairwoman of the State Great Hural of Mongolia, an alumna of CDDRL’s 2022 Fisher Family Summer Fellows Program.

On the second day of the event, Mongolian representatives also presented Fishkin with a Mongolian translation of his forthcoming book, Can Deliberation Cure the Ills of Democracy? (Oxford University Press, July 2025).

Siu emphasized the significance of the recognition: "Awarding this honor to James Fishkin is a testament to the profound impact his work has had on the field of deliberative democracy, not only in Mongolia but across the globe. His innovative approach has inspired countless individuals to engage in meaningful dialogue and foster a more deliberative society."

Gombojav added, “The Law on Deliberative Polling engages social science to help make a better constitutional process. It adds the voice of the people in a representative and thoughtful way. Our collaboration with Professor Fishkin has made all of this possible.“

The Friendship Medal underscores Fishkin’s lasting impact on democratic innovation, both in Mongolia and globally, as Deliberative Polling continues to help shape more inclusive governance practices around the world.

Santos, who received the Nobel Peace Prize in 2016 for his efforts to end a five-decades-long civil war with a guerrilla group that killed more than 200,000 people in the South American country, served as president of Colombia from 2010 to 2018.

Known as a tenacious negotiator, Santos said, “The big challenge in the 140 conflicts currently in the world is that leaders need to sit down and talk in very constructive ways.”

Titled “The Power of Long-View Leadership,” the event included opening remarks from Alberto Díaz-Cayeros, senior fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI), as well as a brief response followed by an audience Q&A moderated by Héctor Hoyos, director of the Center for Latin American Studies.

Díaz-Cayeros said, “This discussion is especially timely and vital today as we confront global challenges – not only here in the United States but throughout the hemisphere and around the world – that demand both moral courage and a strategic vision.”

Listening, talking

In November 2024, Santos was appointed Chair of The Elders, the organization founded by Nelson Mandela to advocate for peace, justice, human rights, and a sustainable planet.

In his address, Santos explained the process of bringing the guerrilla group – the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or “FARC” — to the peace negotiating table. A meeting in the late 1990s with Mandela, the South African anti-apartheid activist, was particularly inspirational.

“He taught me why that program (in South Africa) to bring victims and perpetrators together to reconcile for the future was so important,” said Santos, who described it as the most interesting conversation he’s ever had about peacemaking.

So, he started studying peace processes all around the world — the ones that were successful, the ones that failed, and the ones that still held out hope. Gradually, he identified the conditions that were necessary to begin an authentic peace process with the FARC.

“What had my predecessors done wrong? What could I bring from other examples around the world?” He came to understand that three key conditions existed in the Colombian dynamic.

“As long as the guerrillas think that they will win through violence,” Santos said, “they will never sit down in good faith. They have to be convinced that they will never achieve power through violence. Second, the leaders of the guerrillas themselves personally have to be involved in the negotiations.”

Finally, he said, Colombia’s neighbors needed to support the peace process, or the guerrillas would always use those neighbors as safeguards and not commit to the peace process.

Santos brought on advisors who had successfully negotiated peace deals in other global hotspots. Some of the advice was especially sage.

“I was told to treat the FARC not as our enemies but as our adversaries. Enemies you eliminate. Adversaries you beat.” So, he instructed his military to make policy changes and to be conscious of all their actions, which they would live with forever.

“Treat them (FARC members) as human beings,” Santos said. “They have mothers, they have fathers, so while you fight with them, understand that they're human beings. So, I changed the whole military doctrine.”

A 2016 national referendum in Colombia rejected the peace deal by a narrow margin. Since then, the government and FARC have largely upheld the ceasefire and called for a broader national dialogue to continue the peace process.

Today, Santos is concerned that the gains from Colombia’s peace agreement with the FARC are unraveling. “The difficult path in every peace process is how to reconcile in order to have peace in the long run.”
 

Humanity’s clock ticks

In January, Santos was invited to deliver an address at the annual unveiling of the Doomsday Clock’s time, which is set by the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists. He noted that the only criteria that existed through the 1990s was the possibility of nuclear war. Now, existential threats to humanity’s fate have rapidly expanded, including climate change, AI, pandemics, and biological threats.

At 89 seconds to midnight, the Doomsday Clock stands closer to catastrophe than at any moment in its 77-year history, Santos said. The clock speaks to the threats that confound and confront us — and the need for cooperation, unity, and bold leadership to turn back its hands.

Unfortunately, what is happening around the world reflects the contrary, Santos said. The multilateral system, the respect for the rule of law, and the respect for protocols are all under attack.

Long-term leadership that makes decisions — not according to the next election, but according to the well-being of future generations — is what the world truly needs, Santos noted.

“How can we do what we did in Colombia on the world stage? That is the great challenge, and that’s when dialogue is imperative,” he said.
 

Instead of competing amongst each other to see who wins this or who wins that, Santos urged that “world leaders need to sit down and talk about how to work together to avoid nuclear war, control climate change, regulate AI, and more.”

“Every second counts,” he concluded.

Student and community engagement

Following the lecture, Professor Héctor Hoyos praised Santos for his unwavering commitment to education, both as President and throughout his career. Reflecting on a personal experience, Hoyos shared a formative moment from his own childhood, when he received a letter from then-Secretary of Education Santos, recognizing him as one of Colombia's most promising young students. "I want to thank you publicly for that gesture, which went a long way," Hoyos said of the experience that inspired him to pursue the scholarly path he follows today.

The lecture also sparked lively engagement among students, many of whom lined up to ask thoughtful questions about applying Santos’ insights to current global challenges. Their inquiries reflected a desire to connect lessons from Colombia’s peace process to diverse contexts around the world. Santos, practicing the very principles of dialogue he had emphasized, listened attentively, responded thoughtfully, and demonstrated a genuine willingness to engage in a constructive exchange of ideas.

After the event, Santos joined more than twenty students from the Graduate School of Business and other programs for a lunch, where discussions continued on leadership, peacebuilding, and the importance of dialogue in addressing contemporary issues.

This interview first appeared in The Paper on April 4, 2025. The following English version was generated using machine translation and subsequently edited for accuracy and clarity.

It has been 122 days since South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol issued an "emergency martial law" order on December 3, 2024. On the morning of April 4, the Constitutional Court of Korea will issue a ruling on Yoon’s impeachment case. From the National Assembly’s motion to impeach to 11 court hearings and now the final verdict, 111 days have passed—far more than for former Presidents Roh Moo-hyun and Park Geun-hye. Over these four months, the divide between the ruling and opposition parties — and within Korean society — has become increasingly apparent. Whether the Constitutional Court can safeguard the Constitution and public trust has become a major focus of public opinion in South Korea.

"I’ve long believed in the resilience of South Korean democracy, but over the past two or three months, I’ve started to worry. In the face of this current political stalemate, I wonder whether Koreans can still accept decisions that contradict their positions," said Gi-Wook Shin, Professor of Sociology at Stanford University, founding director of the Korea Program, and Director of the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, in an interview with The Paper. He noted that there are no signs South Korea will escape its current political polarization anytime soon — and that the situation may worsen.

Shin entered Yonsei University’s Sociology Department in the late 1970s. In the early 2000s, he founded the Korea Program at Stanford, focusing on social movements and nationalism. In 2024, he published Korea’s Democracy in Crisis: The Threats of Liberalism, Populism, and Polarization, a book whose concerns — resurgent populism and societal polarization — are now vividly reflected in real life.

On December 3, 2024, Yoon declared a state of emergency and described his political opponents as "anti-state forces." The language he used in his televised emergency address was directly reminiscent of the Cold War era. Meanwhile, during Yoon’s administration, opposition parties submitted a record 29 motions for impeachment. These episodes highlight deep rifts in Korean politics, intensifying the fierce struggle between the left and right across all levels of society.

The roots of South Korea’s political divide trace back to the post-WWII era. Under global pressures, political elites on the Korean peninsula quickly split into left-wing, right-wing, and various centrist groups, each hoping to build the country according to their ideals. After the United States and Soviet Union occupied different parts of the peninsula, a sharp ideological confrontation emerged, and the left and right failed to unite to establish a single nation.

During the military rule in South Korea, U.S.-backed authoritarian strongmen governed the country, laying the groundwork for today’s conservative political parties. Meanwhile, leftist forces were strengthened by decades of street protests. Since democratization in 1987, South Korean politics have swung between the left and the right. Under President Yoon, this shift toward the right has become even more pronounced.

Amid the growing hostility between conservatives and progressives, Yoon’s martial law declaration and subsequent impeachment proceedings have amplified South Korea’s political polarization and left-right conflict. Yoon’s supporters have launched massive demonstrations. Conservative voices have grown louder, with many chanting U.S.-style slogans like “Stop the Steal” in homage to Trump’s MAGA movement. Shin warns that among Asian countries, South Korea may be the only one to experience a phenomenon akin to “Trumpism.” A recent survey by Korea’s Center for Conflict Resolution found that most South Koreans see ideological division as the country’s most pressing social issue.

Conservative Voices Grow Louder, More Extreme

The Paper: From your observations, what changes has this political storm — from emergency martial law to the president’s impeachment — brought to South Korean society?

Gi-Wook Shin: Regarding presidential impeachment, Roh Moo-hyun’s case in 2004 was dismissed by the Constitutional Court, and Park Geun-hye was removed from office in 2017. Both previous cases strictly followed legal procedures with clear rules. But this time, the situation is far more chaotic, with fiercer partisan conflict. In a sense, we’re witnessing a threat to the rule of law.

On the other hand, mass mobilization by both the left and the right is very active, especially the anti-impeachment forces, whose scale and influence are significant. This shows that political polarization has deepened, and social division has worsened — developments that deeply concern me.

The Paper: In this wave of political turmoil, what is the core conflict between conservatives and progressives?

Shin: When martial law was declared, the right tried to assert control over state power and justified their actions with claims that pro-North Korean forces needed to be purged from the country. Their stance clearly supports the South Korea-U.S. alliance. In their protests, you’ll often see both Korean and American flags, as well as images of Trump and Yoon Suk-yeol side by side.

The left, by contrast, believes that this emergency declaration is essentially destroying the democracy that South Koreans fought so hard to achieve. They see the right not just as opponents, but as anti-state and anti-people forces.

Today’s political confrontation in South Korea is filled with resentment and hostility. It has become a kind of “identity politics.” That’s why compromise is so difficult. The two sides no longer see each other as legitimate political rivals, but as “evil forces” or enemies to be defeated at all costs.

The Paper: It’s been over three months since the martial law controversy began. As time passes, conservative voices have grown louder, the ruling People Power Party's approval ratings have rebounded, and anti-impeachment rallies are massive. Are we seeing signs of an expanding conservative base?

Shin: Large-scale protests aren’t new in South Korea. In the past, they were usually led by liberal or progressive groups. In recent years, however, right-wing and conservative forces have increasingly mobilized for protests. This is a new trend. You could already see this during the 2022 presidential election: it was extremely close, with Yoon and Lee Jae-myung separated by less than 1 percent of the vote. Conservatives realized the importance of mobilizing public support to counterbalance the left.

Indeed, conservative voices have grown louder and more extreme. We’re even seeing cases of storming courts and self-immolation. But that doesn’t necessarily mean their numbers are increasing. Overall, South Korea’s population is roughly divided into 30 percent liberals, 30 percent conservatives, and about 40 percent swing voters. Sometimes conservatives use “bluffing” to create the impression of overwhelming influence and suppress progressive mobilization.

The Paper: The far right is now active on the political frontlines, loudly supporting the conservative camp. Some far-right individuals even stormed the court. Right-wing YouTubers have become among Yoon’s most fervent defenders. In this context, will the People Power Party continue shifting further right, or even toward the far right?

Shin: What’s visible now is that the ruling People Power Party has some connection to the far-right forces in the current street protests. Especially in the wake of the martial law declaration and impeachment, the far right has taken the lead in organizing massive demonstrations, mobilizing hundreds of thousands every weekend.

There is latent cooperation between the ruling party and the far right. But now that the impeachment has triggered an early presidential election, the People Power Party must also appeal to a broader base, which means distancing itself from the far right — creating a dilemma.

If the People Power Party continues working with the far right, it may retain its base and ensure right-wing support. But elections are won by swing voters. Distancing from the far right helps avoid being labeled “extreme” and attracts moderates.

Given that the election will happen within 60 days of the impeachment, the ruling party has little time to adjust its campaign strategy. They must quickly decide how to handle their relationship with far-right street forces: should they continue cooperating or distance themselves? This will be a core political challenge in the coming weeks.

South Korea’s Democratic Crisis Reflects a Global Trend

The Paper: At conservative protests, many people carry signs with slogans like “Stop the Steal,” borrowed from Trump supporters. Trump had the “Make America Great Again” movement. Yoon has the Taegeukgi Budae movement (a far-right group of older conservatives, many of them fundamentalist Christians who strongly support Yoon). How do you see Trump’s influence on Korean politics?

Shin: It’s interesting. Among Asian countries, South Korea may be the only one to experience something like “Trumpism.” Two factors are worth noting.

First, there are organizational similarities between the Korean and American contexts. Yoon and Trump supporters share common traits, especially religious ones. That’s not the case in other Asian countries. For example, the Philippines is Catholic, others are predominantly Muslim or Buddhist. South Korea is the only Asian country where fundamentalist Christians have strong political influence. (Editor’s note: According to Yonhap, Korea’s Yoido Full Gospel Church is currently the largest Christian church in the world.) There seems to be a connection or sense of identification between American evangelicals and Korean Christian fundamentalists.

Second, ideologically, Korea’s right resembles America’s right. Their fondness for slogans like “Stop the Steal” reflects their belief in election fraud conspiracies. YouTube’s influence in Korea is possibly stronger than in most of the world, especially among the far right. It has become a vital tool for mobilization and organizing large-scale protests.

The Paper: South Korea’s democratization was closely tied to the U.S. export of democracy. After the Korean War, with U.S. support, South Korea adopted a democratic constitution and a relatively modern political framework. How has foreign influence shaped Korean democracy? Is it connected to the current democratic crisis?

Shin: U.S. influence on Korean democracy is complex. Until the 1980s, the United States supported South Korea’s military dictators like Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan. Only after 1987 did the United States back democratic development. But ultimately, it was the Korean people who fought for democracy. That’s why so many opposed the martial law declaration on December 3. They don’t want to give up hard-won freedoms. Many made great sacrifices for democracy.

South Korea has been democratic for over 40 years. What we see today may be tense or even extreme, but many places worldwide are also experiencing democratic backsliding. It’s unclear whether the United States is doing any better, especially in the Trump era. Many European countries — France, Italy, Hungary, the Netherlands, Spain — are facing similar crises.

South Korea’s current democratic crisis is part of a global trend. It’s just that the martial law announcement drew special attention. But populism, polarization, and identity politics are global issues.

The Paper: After democratization, South Korea again saw emergency martial law, fierce clashes between the president and law enforcement, and general chaos. Yet parliament quickly revoked the martial law order, the impeachment process followed legal procedure, and there were no bloodshed or full societal collapse. What has maintained this relative order?

Shin: South Korea has experienced many legal and political crises before. Also, civic engagement is very high: many LGBTQ+ and minority groups are highly politically active, perhaps even more than in the United States. That’s part of why political clashes are so intense, but it also shows a deep sense of civic participation.

Korea is a relatively well-governed country, with a strong bureaucratic system. I used to believe strongly in the resilience of Korean democracy, but over the past two or three months, I’ve started to worry. Can people still accept outcomes that contradict their positions?

In 2017, the Constitutional Court upheld Park Geun-hye’s impeachment, and most Koreans accepted it and moved on. But this time, it’s unclear whether Yoon’s supporters will accept a guilty verdict — they’re already challenging the court’s legitimacy. On the other hand, if the impeachment fails, opponents may also refuse to accept the result.

The political turbulence may persist for months, or even years.

How to Heal a Divided Society

The Paper: Beyond left-right ideology, what other messages are South Korean protesters trying to express? Also, Korean pop culture has entered these events: people are playing K-pop music and waving glowsticks. How do you see this unique cultural phenomenon?

Shin: Today, there are many legal disputes and procedural questions between the Constitutional Court, regular courts, the Corruption Investigation Office, prosecutors, and police. Sometimes the legal process is inconsistent or fragmented, which confuses the public and weakens faith in the legal system.

But Koreans have a long history of protest culture. They know how to demonstrate in an orderly way. Protests aren’t always serious or violent, sometimes they feel festive or recreational, with music, dancing, and food stalls. Some elderly people even travel from rural areas to Seoul for a day just to enjoy the atmosphere and social gathering.

Also, Korea is a highly centralized society — everything is concentrated in Seoul, and issues can quickly become national news.

The Paper: This political crisis has deepened Korea’s ideological rifts. A recent survey shows that ideological conflict is now seen as the most urgent social problem, even ahead of gender or wealth inequality. What can be done to prevent further division or begin healing?

Shin: There are no signs that Korea will overcome its political confrontation and polarization anytime soon. The divide may worsen. In the long term, I call for political reform.

Korea should adopt a parliamentary system. The current presidential system is “winner-takes-all,” so even if someone wins by less than 1 percent of the vote, they gain total control. A parliamentary system might encourage more cooperation and compromise. But I don’t think Korea currently has the political atmosphere to make that shift.

The electoral system also needs reform. Right now, each district elects just one representative — sometimes by a single vote — giving them total power.

Civic education is another area for reform. Koreans need to learn how to share and compromise. In Korean, “compromise” often carries a negative connotation. But in a democracy, compromise is essential. No one can get everything they want.

These are long-term reforms and there’s a long road ahead. What truly worries me is that in the next year or two, social division may grow even worse.