Governance

FSI's research on the origins, character and consequences of government institutions spans continents and academic disciplines. The institute’s senior fellows and their colleagues across Stanford examine the principles of public administration and implementation. Their work focuses on how maternal health care is delivered in rural China, how public action can create wealth and eliminate poverty, and why U.S. immigration reform keeps stalling. 

FSI’s work includes comparative studies of how institutions help resolve policy and societal issues. Scholars aim to clearly define and make sense of the rule of law, examining how it is invoked and applied around the world. 

FSI researchers also investigate government services – trying to understand and measure how they work, whom they serve and how good they are. They assess energy services aimed at helping the poorest people around the world and explore public opinion on torture policies. The Children in Crisis project addresses how child health interventions interact with political reform. Specific research on governance, organizations and security capitalizes on FSI's longstanding interests and looks at how governance and organizational issues affect a nation’s ability to address security and international cooperation.

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TEC will be canceling all public events and seminars until at least April 15th due to ongoing developments associated with COVID-19.

 

How do we explain that the European Union gained so much authority, especially in economic areas? Most explanations of the EU usually start off by misdescribing how much authority it exerts over its member-states. Classic IR theorists in realist or liberal traditions describe the EU as a strong international regime, allowing them to explain it simply as a response to especially-strong regional versions of the exogenously-given conditions that ostensibly favor international cooperation elsewhere. Even more endogenously-inclined theorists who explain the EU as an ideational or institutionally path-dependent project tend to describe it as a quasi-federation that still falls well short of a “United States of Europe.” But if the EU certainly lacks some important powers of federal states, in some core areas it has surpassed them. Employing a comparison of the EU to three Anglo-Saxon federations (United States, Canada, Australia), we show that today’s EU actively exercises authority over states’ market openness and fiscal discipline that these federations have never claimed. This re-description of the EU outcome displays just how far Europe has departed from the expectations of classic IR theories, and highlights the kind of strongly endogenous ideational and institutional explanation it requires. Co-author: Craig Parsons, University of Oregon.

 

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Matthias Matthijs

Matthias Matthijs is associate professor of international political economy. His research focuses on the politics of economic crises, the role of economic ideas in economic policymaking, the politics of inequality, and the democratic limits of regional integration. He was one of the inaugural recipients in 2015 of a Johns Hopkins Catalyst Award, in recognition of his work as a promising early-career investigator. He teaches courses in international relations, comparative politics, and international economics, and was twice awarded the Max M. Fisher Prize for Excellence in Teaching, in 2011 and 2015.

Since the summer of 2019, he is also a Senior Fellow for Europe at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). He also currently serves as the Chair of the Executive Committee of the European Union Studies Association (EUSA).

Matthijs is the editor (with Mark Blyth) of the book The Future of the Euro published by Oxford University Press in 2015, and author of Ideas and Economic Crises in Britain from Attlee to Blair (1945-2005), published by Routledge in 2011. The latter is based on his doctoral dissertation, which received the Samuel H. Beer Prize for Best Dissertation in British Politics by a North American scholar, awarded by the British Politics Group of the American Political Science Association (APSA) in 2010.

In 2018, he won the Best Paper Award from APSA’s European Politics and Society section for “When Is It Rational to Learn the Wrong Lessons?” (co-authored with Mark Blyth). Among various other research and writing projects, he is currently working on a book-length manuscript that delves into the collapse of national elite consensus around European integration.

Dr. Matthijs received his BSc in applied economics with magna cum laude from the University of Antwerp in Belgium, and his MA and PhD in international relations from Johns Hopkins University.

Matthias Matthijs Speaker School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University
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Robert Bauer
Abstract: Please join the Cyber Policy Center for a conversation on online political advertising, election law, and the 2020 election, with Robert Bauer, Professor of Practice and Distinguished Scholar in Residence at NYU Law, and Co-Director of NYU’s Legislative and Regulatory Process Clinic, with Professor Nathaniel Persily, Co-Director of the Cyber Policy Center. Bauer served as White House Counsel to President Obama, and returned to private practice in June 2011. In 2013, the President named Bauer to be Co-Chair of the Presidential Commission on Election Administration. Bauer was General Counsel to Obama for America, the President’s campaign organization, in 2008 and 2012. Bauer has also served as co-counsel to the New Hampshire State Senate in the trial of Chief Justice David A. Brock (2000) and counsel to the Democratic Leader in the trial of President William Jefferson Clinton (1999). He is the authors on books on campaign finance law and articles on various topics for law review and periodicals.

Robert Bauer bio >

Robert Bauer
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Kip Wainscott portrait

Kip Wainscott is a senior advisor at the Cyber Policy Center, where he directs programs and initiatives for the Global Digital Policy Incubator to promote policymaking that reinforces democratic values, universal human rights, and the rule of law in the digital realm.

Kip served in the White House under President Obama as Senior Director of Cabinet Affairs and Senior Advisor to the Domestic Policy Council, where his portfolio focused on issues related to justice, opportunity, and technology. He also was Senior Counsel in the Office of Legal Policy at the Department of Justice, where he worked on the development and coordination of technology policy and other initiatives of high priority to the Attorney General. After leaving the administration, Kip helped launch CrowdJustice, a digital platform for engaging online communities in support of public interest litigation. Since 2017, he has led democracy programming and policy engagement in Silicon Valley for the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs.

Before entering government, Kip was an attorney in a leading political and election law practice, where he advised on presidential nomination procedures, voting laws, and represented clients in litigation and ethics matters. For the 2012 election cycle, Kip was counsel and national delegate director for the Obama-Biden reelection campaign.

Kip was a 2019 Policy Fellow at Stanford’s Digital Civil Society Lab, where he supported research and co-authored a paper examining how civil society organizations can better protect their digital rights through policy advocacy. He has also authored chapters for two books on the subject of government and political ethics. He is a member of the Pacific Council on International Policy, and serves on the Advisory Council for the Institute for Data, Democracy, and Politics at the George Washington University.

Senior Advisor, GDPi
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Brexit will forever change the way we understand the European Union. But the farewell of the United Kingdom hides a more complex reality. It is not an isolated malaise. In many states, the rise of authoritarianism and the consequences of the economic crisis are generating important tensions.  In some cases —as in France or Catalonia— those tensions have joined the wave of protests that the world has seen in the second half of 2019.

 

Vicent Partal is a Catalan journalist, director of VilaWeb, the foremost online newspaper in Catalonia and the oldest one. It was stablished in 1995. 
 
He is also the Chairman of the Board of Directors of the European Journalism Center (EJC.net). Based in Maastricht (The Netherlands), EJC is a professional organization of continental scope that works for the promotion of quality journalism in Europe and to assimilate the great technological and cultural changes that accompany the digitalization of the media.
 
As a reporter and correspondent, he covered events for several TV and newspapers around the world, including the collapse of the Berlin Wall, the coup d'état in the USSR and the independence process of the Baltic countries, the Balkan war, the revolt of Beijing students, the end of Apartheid in South Africa, the beginning of Palestinian autonomy, the conflict in Kurdistan, the democratic movement in Hong Kong and several elections in the United States.
 
Partal has won a number of awards, including Premi Ciutat de Barcelona of Journalism 1999, Catalonia's National Internet Prize in 2000, and the National Journalism Prize in 2004. He has published several books about Europe, Catalonia, and journalism.
Vicent Partal Speaker Catalan journalist, VilaWeb
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Rodney C. Ewing
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After decades of inaction and stalemate, there are small but significant signs that the U.S. government may finally be ready to meet its legal commitment to manage and dispose of the more than 80,000 metric tons of used nuclear fuel at 74 operating and shut-down commercial nuclear reactors sites in 35 states across the country. The signs of progress include:

  • Only a few weeks ago, the House Energy and Commerce Committee approved bipartisan legislation to authorize the storage of used fuel at an NRC-licensed interim storage facility and provide funding for the development of a long-term repository.
  • Similar legislation has had hearings and is pending in the Senate, and less than a week after the House committee action Sen. John Barrasso (R-Wyo.) introduced a parallel bill to the House legislation and called on his colleagues for bipartisan support.
  • A comparable bill passed the House in the previous Congress by a vote of 340-72.
  • Congressional leadership on this issue includes Sens. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) and Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) in the Senate, as well as highly motivated members in the House.
  • The Trump administration’s last two budget proposals included funding for a spent fuel interim storage site, in addition to funding for Yucca Mountain. 
  • Two private entities have filed license applications with the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) to construct and operate consolidated interim storage facilities, and the NRC is moving forward to process these applications.

 

These actions reflect an increasing recognition that the management and disposal of used nuclear fuel is an issue that need to be addressed, particularly if nuclear power is going to have a role in the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions.

 

Read the Rest at The Hill

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Scott D. Sagan
Benjamin Valentino
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Americans show much less tolerance for war crimes than they did during the war in Vietnam.

Read the Rest at Washington Post

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Interview with Colin Kahl

In May 2018, President Trump withdrew the United States from the Iran nuclear deal, and re-imposed crippling economic sanctions against Tehran. Iran responded by restarting elements of its nuclear program and sponsoring militant attacks against US interests and allies in the Middle East. Trump claims he will keep the pressure on until Iran agrees to a better nuclear deal, while Iranian leaders insist they will not negotiate under duress. Colin Kahl, Steven C. Házy senior fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies' Center for International Security and Cooperation and former national security advisor to the vice president of the United States, speaks with WorldAffairs CEO Jane Wales about Trump's Iran strategy and how it risks igniting war with the country.

 

Listen to More on  World Affairs

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renee diresta Renne DiResta
Abstract: Disinformation campaigns and black propaganda are not new, but they are evolving. Media coverage of disinformation and propaganda has focused primarily on the social-first memetic operations of the Internet Research Agency and its targeting of the United States 2016 presidential election. This talk examines a broader collection of influence operations, all affiliated with one state adversary – Russia – but leveraging distinctly different tactics. It investigates a 'playbook' that is far more expansive (and evolving) than previously understood, and assesses disinformation campaigns along several axes. We explore narrative vs memetic pathways, long-term vs discrete actions, and a collection of goals ranging from persuasion to distraction. This talk also discusses how online influence operations are deployed in conjunction hack-and-leak campaigns, and community infiltration. 

Renee DiResta Bio >

 

E207, Encina Hall 

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Renée DiResta is the former Research Manager at the Stanford Internet Observatory. She investigates the spread of malign narratives across social networks, and assists policymakers in understanding and responding to the problem. She has advised Congress, the State Department, and other academic, civic, and business organizations, and has studied disinformation and computational propaganda in the context of pseudoscience conspiracies, terrorism, and state-sponsored information warfare.

You can see a full list of Renée's writing and speeches on her website: www.reneediresta.com or follow her @noupside.

 

Former Research Manager, Stanford Internet Observatory
Renee DiResta Research Manager Stanford Internet Observatory
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"Ideologically, today’s autocrats are a more motley and pragmatic crew. They generally claim to be market friendly, but mainly they are crony capitalists, who, like Putin in Russia, Orban in Hungary, and Erdogan in Turkey, are first concerned with enriching themselves, their families, and their parties and support networks. Increasingly, they raise a common flag of cultural conservatism, denouncing the moral license and weakness of the “the liberal West” while advancing a virulent antiliberal agenda based on nationalism and religion," writes Larry Diamond. Read here

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Abstract:

Why did colonial powers establish courts to address Indigenous grievances? Under which conditions did these rulers decide to rule in favor of Indigenous claimants, even at the expense of their own state agents? This paper addresses these questions by studying the legal battles between Indigenous communities, Spanish settlers, and local bureaucrats in the General Indian Court of colonial Mexico (GIC). I apply an existing framework developed in the judicial politics literature to understand how the Spanish Crown allowed, and even encouraged, the Indigenous population to raise claims against local bureaucrats. Moreover, I offer a theoretical contribution to this literature by defining the scope conditions under which autocratic regimes might also use the judicial system to constrain local elites. To further explore the decision-making process of this colonial court, I develop a model that predicts that the GIC offered favorable rulings to Indigenous claimants in a strategic way. I predict that a favorable ruling was more likely in cases that involved colonial agents, were related to land invasions or physical abuses, and originated from areas where local elite power was high and Indigenous population more vulnerable. I provide empirical evidence of the strategic use of the colonial court using a mixed-methods approach including paleographic transcriptions, human coding, and text analysis of a novel dataset of more than 30,000 judicial claims. These results have implications for our understanding of both the development of Indigenous legal autonomy in colonial history and for the more general strategic development of judicial power in autocracies. One plausible, yet controversial, implication is that Indigenous communities had more tools to resist oppression during the colonial period than following the rise of the nation-state.

 

Speaker Bio:

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edgar vivanco
Edgar Franco Vivanco is a post-doctoral fellow at the University of Michigan. He studied a PhD in political science at Stanford University. During 2018-19, he was a pre-doctoral fellow at the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law (CDDRL). Edgar is a collaborator with the Poverty, Governance, and Violence Lab at Stanford University, and with the Digging Early Colonial Mexico project at the University of Lancaster. Edgar’s research agenda explores how colonial-era institutions and contemporary criminal violence shape economic under-performance, particularly within Latin America. In his book project, Strategies of Indigenous Resistance and Assimilation to Colonial Rule, he examines the role Indigenous groups have played in the state-building process of the region since colonial times. 

Encina Hall
Stanford University

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Edgar Franco is a graduate of the Stanford Public Policy program and the Stanford School of Education, where he earned an MA in International Education Administration and Policy Analysis from Stanford University. He also holds a dual BA in Economics and Political Science from Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de Mexico (ITAM). He is interested in the analysis and evaluation of social policy in general and educational policy in particular. His recent research examines the factors related to the change in standardized tests scores in Mexico; he is also conducting an evaluation of teacher incentives programs. In the Program of Poverty and Governance, Edgar studies the impacts of violence related to Mexico’s war on drugs over human capital. 

Doctoral Candidate in Political Science
Post-doctoral fellow at the University of Michigan
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