Governance

FSI's research on the origins, character and consequences of government institutions spans continents and academic disciplines. The institute’s senior fellows and their colleagues across Stanford examine the principles of public administration and implementation. Their work focuses on how maternal health care is delivered in rural China, how public action can create wealth and eliminate poverty, and why U.S. immigration reform keeps stalling. 

FSI’s work includes comparative studies of how institutions help resolve policy and societal issues. Scholars aim to clearly define and make sense of the rule of law, examining how it is invoked and applied around the world. 

FSI researchers also investigate government services – trying to understand and measure how they work, whom they serve and how good they are. They assess energy services aimed at helping the poorest people around the world and explore public opinion on torture policies. The Children in Crisis project addresses how child health interventions interact with political reform. Specific research on governance, organizations and security capitalizes on FSI's longstanding interests and looks at how governance and organizational issues affect a nation’s ability to address security and international cooperation.

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Abstract: TBA

About the Speaker: Amy Zegart is co-director of CISAC and Professor of Political Science, by courtesy. She is also the Davies Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution. 

Before coming to Stanford in 2011, Zegart served as professor of public policy at UCLA’s Luskin School of Public Affairs and as a fellow at the Burkle Center for International Relations. Her research examines the organization of American national security agencies and their effectiveness. She is the author of two award-winning books. Flawed by Design, which chronicles the development of the Central Intelligence Agency, Joint Chiefs of Staff, and National Security Council, won the highest national dissertation award in political science. Spying Blind, which examines why American intelligence agencies failed to adapt to the terrorist threat before 9/11, won the National Academy of Public Administration’s Brownlow Book Award. She has also published in International SecurityPolitical Science Quarterly, and other leading academic journals. She serves on the editorial boards of Terrorism and Political Violence and Intelligence and National Security. Her most recent book is Eyes on Spies: Congress and the United States Intelligence Community.

Zegart was featured by the National Journal as one of the ten most influential experts in intelligence reform. She served on the Clinton administration's National Security Council staff and as a foreign policy adviser to the Bush-Cheney 2000 presidential campaign. She has testified before the Senate Intelligence Committee, provided training to the Marine Corps, and advised officials on intelligence and homeland security matters. From 2009 to 2011 she served on the National Academies of Science Panel to Improve Intelligence Analysis. Her commentary has been featured on national television and radio shows and in the New York TimesWashington Post, and Los Angeles Times.

Before her academic career, Zegart spent three years at McKinsey & Company advising Fortune 100 companies about strategy and organizational effectiveness.

A former Fulbright scholar, Zegart received an AB in East Asian studies magna cum laude from Harvard University and an MA and PhD in political science from Stanford University. She served on the FBI Intelligence Analysts Association National Advisory Board and the Los Angeles Police Department’s Counter-terrorism and Community Police Advisory Board. She also served on the Secretary of Energy Advisory Board Task Force on Nuclear Nonproliferation and is a lifetime member of the Council on Foreign Relations. She was appointed to the board of directors of Kratos Defense and Security Solutions in September 2014.

CISAC
Stanford University
Encina Hall, E216
Stanford, CA 94305-6165

(650) 725-9754 (650) 723-0089
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Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies
Morris Arnold and Nona Jean Cox Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution
Senior Fellow at the Stanford Institute for Human-Centered AI
Professor, by courtesy, of Political Science
amyzegart-9.jpg PhD

Dr. Amy Zegart is the Morris Arnold and Nona Jean Cox Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution. The author of five books, she specializes in U.S. intelligence, emerging technologies, and national security. At Hoover, she leads the Technology Policy Accelerator and the Oster National Security Affairs Fellows Program. She also is an associate director and senior fellow at the Stanford Institute for Human-Centered AI; a senior fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute; and professor of political science by courtesy, teaching 100 students each year about how emerging technologies are transforming espionage.

Her award-winning research includes the leading academic study of intelligence failures before 9/11: Spying Blind: The CIA, the FBI, and the Origins of 9/11 (Princeton, 2007) and the bestseller Spies, Lies, and Algorithms: The History and Future of American Intelligence (Princeton, 2022), which was nominated by Princeton University Press for the Pulitzer Prize. She also coauthored Political Risk: How Businesses and Organizations Can Anticipate Global Insecurity, with Condoleezza Rice (Twelve, 2018). Her op-eds and essays have appeared in Foreign Affairs, Politico, the New York Times, the Washington Post, and the Wall Street Journal.

Zegart has advised senior officials about intelligence and foreign policy for more than two decades. She served on the National Security Council staff and as a presidential campaign foreign policy advisor and has testified before numerous congressional committees. Before her academic career, she spent several years as a McKinsey & Company consultant.

Zegart received an AB in East Asian studies from Harvard and an MA and a PhD in political science from Stanford. She serves on the boards of the Council on Foreign Relations, Kratos Defense & Security Solutions, and the American Funds/Capital Group.

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Amy Zegart Co-director CISAC
Seminars
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Political life in most democratic systems centers on the presidency or the parliament.  In countries that have begun to shift from authoritarian to democratic rule, American and Western aid programs typically place a high priority on strengthening the capacities of parliaments.  Superficial evidence in Myanmar and Indonesia suggests that these efforts by democratic donors have contributed to the emergence of legislatures that are more of an obstacle to economic progress than a driver of it.  Lex Rieffel will offer his perspective on this phenomenon in Myanmar and Indonesia with particular attention to Myanmar in the run-up to its November 8 election.  The two countries will also be compared with regard to geography, ethnic conflict, and communal tension, and their implications for the political process.

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Lex Rieffel has written widely on the political economies of Myanmar and Indonesia.  His latest publication is "Improving the Performance of the State Economic Enterprise Sector in Myanmar" (ISEAS Perspective #36, 2015).  Notable among his many other writings are:  Too Much Too Soon? The Dilemma of Foreign Aid to Myanmar/Burma (co-authored, 2013); Myanmar/Burma: Inside Challenges, Outside Interests (edited, 2010); and Out of Business and On Budget: The Challenge of Military Financing in Indonesia (co-authored, 2007).  His career prior to joining Brookings in 2002 included positions with the Institute of International Finance, the U.S. Treasury Department, and USAID.  Universities where he has taught courses in economics and finance include Johns Hopkins (SAIS), George Washington (Elliott School), and the University of Yangon.  His MA in law and diplomacy and his BA in economics are respectively from Tufts (Fletcher School) and Princeton.

Do Parliaments Help or Hurt Economic Progress in Democratizing Countries? The Case of Myanmar, with Notes on Indonesia Primary tabs View Edit(active tab) Revisions Nodequeue
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Lex Rieffel Nonresident Senior Fellow, Brookings Institution
Seminars
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Indonesian President Joko (“Jokowi”) Widodo was inaugurated in October 2014.  He is the country’s seventh president, but only its second to be directly elected and its first from both a non-elite and non-military background.  He won the election by a narrow margin over a hard-line ex-general accused of violating human rights.

Human rights abuses have long marred Indonesian rule in western Papua.  Candidate Jokowi promised to improve conditions there.  He traveled to the area twice during the election campaign.  His predecessor visited Papua only three times during his entire ten-year presidency.  Jokowi also promised to protect religious minorities from violence, intolerance, and discrimination, and to help reconcile survivors of the mass bloodletting in 1965-66.  Has he kept these and other commitments to improve human rights conditions in Indonesia?  Or not?  And why?

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andreas harsono
Andreas Harsono has covered Indonesia for Human Rights Watch since 2008. Organizations that he has helped to establish include a journalist-training organization, the Pantau Foundation (Jakarta, 2003); the South East Asia Press Alliance (Bangkok, 1998); and the Alliance of Independent Journalists (Jakarta, 1994).  He began his career as a reporter for The Nation (Bangkok) and the Star newspapers (Kuala Lumpur), and has edited a monthly magazine on media and journalism, Pantau (Jakarta).  He was a Nieman Fellow at Harvard University in 2000.

Andreas Harsono Indonesia Researcher, Human Rights Watch
Seminars

Encina Commons,
615 Crothers Way Room 182,
Stanford, California 94305-6006

(650) 498-7528
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Associate Professor, Health Policy
MS in Health Policy Program Director
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Maria Polyakova, PhD, is Associate Professor of Health Policy at Stanford School of Medicine and Associate Professor (by courtesy) in the Department of Economics at Stanford University, where she is also a Senior Fellow at the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research (SIEPR). She is a Research Associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) and serves as an Editor of the Journal of Health Economics. Her research spans many areas of health economics, including health insurance, healthcare labor markets, and individual decision-making in health and healthcare. A unifying thread is evaluating whether markets and government policy effectively serve individuals and families or introduce distortions. Her ongoing work focuses on how families navigate prolonged health shocks. Maria received her BA in Economics & Mathematics and German Studies (with a concentration in History) from Yale University in 2008 and her PhD in Economics from MIT in 2014.

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Abstract:

With the proliferation of online social media, political actors have a new means of reaching their constituents directly, circumventing the mainstream news media. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has had a very significant presence on social media with almost 30 million “likes” on Facebook and 15 million followers on Twitter. Modi's rise on Twitter offers an important example on political brand management, in this talk we examine specific outreach strategies and how these have evolved over time. We examine the frequency, tenor, and popularity of messages, the evolution of thematic discussions, and the use of political metaphor in Modi's sharpening of a new populist discourse as leader of an aspirational, global India.

 

Speaker Bio:

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joyojeet pal

Joyojeet Pal is an assistant professor at the University of Michigan's School of Information where his work focuses on user experience and accessibility in low- and middle-income countries. His recent research looks at the use of social media in political communication in India, specifically on the role of political branding online in India. He is one of the technical collaborators on the Unfinished Sentences project examining oral histories of the El Salvador civil war, and leads the Colombia Digital Culture project at the University of Michigan. He researched and produced the award-winning documentary, "For the Love of a Man" based on the fan following of South Indian film star Rajnikanth.

Assistant Professor, University of Michigan's School of Information
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Since Iran's Green Revolution, technology has demonstrated its power to mobilize millions of people demanding political and social change in countries where authoritarian regimes remained untouchable for decades. The same technology and open networks have also been used by oppressive governments to surveil populations and thwart these social movements. In facing these tensions, activists and hackers share a common mission of challenging the status quo to improve existing systems - whether governments or networks. How do the two communities work together to defend civil liberties online and on the ground?
 

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rita zolotova
Rita Zolotova is a Director of Public Policy for Wickr Inc. and the Wickr Foundation where she leads a global effort to raise privacy awareness and provide security education to human rights activists, journalists, and policy-makers. Rita works closely with technology innovators and security experts to engage kids, particularly young girls, in learning about encryption, cyber security and white-hat hacking. Rita came to Wickr from Middlebury College's Center for Nonproliferation Studies, a policy research center focused on WMD security and terrorism issues. At CNS Rita managed online education initiatives, co-directed the development of a policy design framework for the U.S. State Department on ways to employ new media technology in addressing global arms control and nonproliferation threats. Rita has an extensive experience in political consulting and journalism in Russia. She has degrees in Political Science, Management and holds a Masters Degree in Terrorism and Nonproliferation Studies from the Graduate School of Middlebury College.
 

Wallenberg Theatre

450 Serra Mall #124

(The room is located in the main quad, across the road from Stanford Oval).

Encina Hall E301616 Serra StreetStanford, CA94305-6055
(650) 723-6530
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huijun_gu.jpg Ph.D.

Huijun Gu joins the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (Shorenstein APARC) for the 2015-16 year as a visiting scholar from Jiangsu Administration Institute, where he serves as an associate professor.

His research interests include Planning (规划) and Governance, industrial upgrading and government behavior.

Huijun Gu obtained his Ph.D. at Nanjing University in 2013, focusing on organizational behavior.

Visiting Scholar
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Prof. Pavin will explain the concept of “neo-royalism” that Thai royalists have promoted; relate it to the present twilight of King Bhumibol Adulyadej’s long reign; and use it to forecast the future of the royal institution in Thailand. Pavin will assess the prospects of the king-in-waiting, Vajiralongkorn, and imagine the position of a new monarch in a new political environment. He will portray “neo-royalism” as a dangerous entrapment for Bhumibol’s successor and for the monarchy itself. The undemocratic nature of royal power is incompatible with the country’s changing political landscape. If Vajiralongkorn inherits the throne, he may try to consolidate top-down power, risking failure and rejection. Alternatively, he could reform the monarchy by placing it clearly within constitutional bounds. Recent evidence suggests that he may play an activist role.

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Pavin Chachavalpongpun is an associate professor at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies in Kyoto University. His many publications include Reinventing Thailand: Thaksin and His Foreign Policy (2010) and A Plastic Nation: The Curse of Thainess in Thai-Burmese Relations (2005), and he is chief editor of the multilingual on-line Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia.  His PhD is from the University of London School of Oriental and African Studies.

Following Pavin’s fierce criticism of the May 2014 military coup in Thailand, the junta twice summoned him to Bangkok. He did not comply; instead, he reaffirmed his opposition to the coup. A warrant was eventually issued for his arrest, his Thai passport was revoked, and he was obliged to apply for refugee status in Japan.

Philippines Conference Room

Encina Hall, 3rd Floor central

616 Serra Street

Stanford, CA 94305

Pavin Chachavalpongpun 2015-16 Lee Kong Chian National University of Singapore-Stanford University Distinguished Fellow on Southeast Asia
Seminars
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On September 1, Francis Fukuyama became the fourth director of the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) at Stanford’s Freeman Spogli Institute. In his initial days as director, Fukuyama took a moment to reflect on his vision for CDDRL and some potential pathways to grow the Center’s research agenda and teaching mission. A leading scholar of political development, Fukuyama discusses how he can apply some of his own theories of governance to inform CDDRL’s research agenda, and how his favorite leadership moment - from a movie - defines his leadership style.  


What is your vision for CDDRL?

I think that it is important to build on what CDDRL has achieved up to this point. The Center is well known and respected around the world as one of the most important research programs into the development of democratic institutions. It's important to keep sight of that focus, and to expand it to other areas. For example, we recently took on the question of democracy in developed countries with the Program on American Politics in Comparative Perspective. High quality democracy can never be taken for granted, even in the Untied States, and it will face many challenges in the coming years from populism, immigration, and cultural conflict. The nature of authoritarian government is changing as well, as regimes learn from one another how to control technology and manipulate media.

 

Where are some areas where you would like to expand CDDRL’s reach?

Although CDDRL is primarily a research institution, we see education as an integral part of our mission and our research interests. I would like to build out from our existing practitioner-based programs like the Draper Hills Summer Fellows Program and the Leadership Academy for Development, with similar offerings for Stanford students. We want to teach theory that is useful and connected to practice, and help students get skills that will be useful to them as leaders who can shape events in the real world. We're already in the process of building a case library, and expanding the use of cases in our teaching.

 

What excites you the most about your new position?

We have a unique opportunity at Stanford to leverage the resources of a top university in the study of political institutions. CDDRL and FSI more broadly can make connections with researchers in public health, engineering, law, and the business school, as well as the substantial intellectual capacities in the broader region.

If we look inward, CDDRL has a great faculty and staff, one that brings together a huge number of different perspectives in stimulating ways. We've always had a strong pre-and postdoctoral program, and I, like many professors, find I learn more from my students than the reverse.

 

How will you bring your scholarship and focus on governance to your new position?

I think that many failings of democracies - both old and new - are related to their failure to perform. That is, we want to be free from tyranny and oppressive governments, but we also want our government to provide those basic public goods and services like public safety, education, health, and infrastructure. The study of democracy is not just about limiting government, but also making it more effective and capable. There have been protests against Lebanon's elected government in recent weeks for not being able to pick up the trash, or provide reliable electricity. So while knowing how to dispose of garbage or how to make customers pay for their electricity, so that there are revenues to build a reliable grid, do not at first seem like components of democracy, they actually are. Unfortunately, we academics have spent much more time and energy focusing on how to limit state power, rather than on how to make the exercise of that power more effective and in line with the demands of citizens. There has been a large volume of writing on the relationship between democracy and growth, but relatively little about how democracy relates to the quality of the state. So this constitutes a big research opportunity for the future.  

 

Are there any principles of state-building or public administration that can be applied to your role?

First of all, the very words "public administration" makes most people immediately fall asleep; so let's refer to the art of making governments deliver better public services and shape behavior in positive ways. Theorizing in this area has been dominated in recent years by economists who tend to focus, as economists do, on incentives and material motives. But they seldom take account of leadership and the kinds of moral incentives that are needed to make organizations function well - the kinds of motivations that make people want to stay late in the office or do their best even when other people aren't watching. It's always seemed to me that the same institution can perform better or worse with the same material resources depending on how the people in it see their common goals and objectives, and how they're able to work together on an informal basis. This is what's been called "social capital," and its important both in governments as in the most modest organization. So our social capital at CDDRL is something that I want to preserve and grow.

 

Which leader – living or dead – do you most identify with the most and how might you adapt their leadership style to your own?

I can’t think of a leader I identity with, but I can think of a favorite leadership moment. It is the one portrayed in the movie Invictus, when Nelson Mandela decides to put all his effort into supporting the South African national team, the Springboks, in the 1994 Rugby World Cup. Under Apartheid, rugby was the sport of white South Africans, while the blacks played soccer. The film portrays Mandela going up against the assembled African National Congress leadership, who want to withdraw support from the Springboks, saying it represented the racist old regime. Mandela argued instead that winning the World Cup should become a national goal for the new, multiracial, and democratic South Africa. He had to convince lots of skeptical whites as well that there is a place for them in the country. In the end, the Springboks were inspired to defeat the New Zealand All Blacks (with a great performance of their hakka war dance), and win the championship.

I can’t think of a single more brilliant example of nation-building. We typically think of nation-building as related to tangible things like the formation of armies and ministries that sit in buildings. But the more important dimension of nation-building has to do with identity, that is, belief in a single, overarching story around which citizens can unite. For better or worse, identity in the contemporary world is more often then not built around sports. I thought it was remarkable that Mandela, having spent all those decades in jail, would understand so clearly the importance of symbols, and spend his precious political capital on something that. We’ve had plenty of other recent examples of leaders in places like Iraq or Afghanistan who were completely blind to this dimension of leadership, or worse yet, saw leadership as an opportunity to pursue their own sectarian or personal advantage.

I suppose this applies in a small way to CDDRL as well. Even small organizations have identities that make them cohesive and guide their actions. CDDRL has been a center dedicated to understanding and promoting the development of accountable and law-based government around the world. We want to train students and build research programs with this in mind, and I think that one of the legacies of our past leaders has been the fact that everyone understands this. 

 

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Abstract:

Scholars of governance reforms in developing countries often argue that the surest way to address the maladies of the state—corruption, cronyism, inefficiency, and red tape—is swift, dramatic change enacted by political leaders during moments of upheaval. This research finds that a very different type of change is not only possible but also more effective and enduring. A comparison of attempts to increase accountability, transparency, and institutional strength in Brazil and Argentina demonstrates that incremental changes sequenced over time in response to failings in previous policy provide two crucial advantages over wholesale and rapid overhauls of the state: (1) continual adjustments and modifications benefit from learning; and (2) an incremental approach makes reform more durable and helps preserve bureaucratic autonomy.

 

Speaker Bio:

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Katherine Bersch is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Center for Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at Stanford University. Her research is broadly focused on democratic quality in developing countries, with an emphasis on governance reform and state capacity in Latin America. She employs a range of research methods to understand the political conditions under which policies designed to reduce corruption, increase transparency, and enhance accountability are successful and durable. Bersch’s work has been published or is forthcoming in Comparative Politics, the European Journal of Development Research, Information Polity, and in Miguel Centeno, Atul Kohli, and Deborah Yashar's edited volume with Dinsha Mistree, States in the Developing World. Her research on state capacity with Sérgio Praça and Matthew M. Taylor recently won the LAPIS Best Paper Award from the Latin American Studies Association. Bersch received her PhD in Government from the University of Texas at Austin.

Katherine Bersch Postdoctoral Fellow at the Center for Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at Stanford University
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