The faculty of the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies enjoyed a productive period of policy-resonant scholarship spanning from winter quarter 2017 to fall quarter 2018.  This document inventories their academic publications, including books in print or under contract, Stanford courses delivered, invited talks across the globe, and activities that involve policy engagement comprising government testimony, advisement and public service, media commentary, opinion pieces, public policy training, and other efforts to translate scholarship into policy.

This study’s purpose was to highlight the changing safety and security landscape engendered by the emergence of new genome editing technologies, help policy-makers and other stakeholders navigate this space, and illuminate broader trends in the life sciences that may impact the biosecurity landscape.

The two-year Editing Biosecurity study was led by four researchers from George Mason University and Stanford University. The centerpiece of the study was three invitation-only workshops that brought together the study leads and the core research group for structured discussions of the benefits, risks, and governance options for genome editing.

The study leads and research assistants prepared two working papers to frame the workshop discussions. The first working paper reviewed past studies that assessed the risks posed by emerging dual-use technologies. The goal of this working paper was to provide a baseline for understanding the security implications of genome editing and to identify best practices in risk assessment. The second working paper provided an overview of the current governance landscape for biotechnology and a framework for evaluating governance measures. Each workshop included a range of scientific, policy, ethics, and security experts. The study leads gathered additional information from subject-matter experts in the form of five commissioned issue briefs. Several of the study’s experts served as discussants who critically engaged the content of the issue briefs through iterative commentary and feedback. The study leads and core research group have backgrounds in various disciplines, including the life sciences, social sciences, and the humanities, an approach designed to ensure a rigorous research process underpinned by the inclusion of a variety of perspectives, and further complemented by numerous areas of expertise. The study and its products relied on unclassified, open, and publicly accessible information. The study was an independent academic work in which the charge and scope were determined by the research team. In combination, these factors were motivated by the team’s goal of producing open and accessible research outputs that can assist stakeholders in crafting more effective and informed policies.

This publication summarizes the agricultural policy analyses conducted in nine Caribbean countries (Suriname, Guyana, Haiti, Dominican Republic, Jamaica, Belize, Barbados, The Bahamas, and Trinidad and Tobago) in the framework of the IDB’s Agrimonitor initiative. The document discusses how agricultural policies affect producers and consumers as well as how the limited funding for agricultural services, such as research and infrastructure, could limit the ability of Caribbean farmers to compete effectively in global markets. The analyses presented are therefore meant to contribute to the Caribbean’s regional dialogue for the design of more effective agricultural policies, which will be able to strengthen the sector and improve the lives of people in the region.

For three and a half decades following the end of the Maoist era, China adhered to Deng Xiaoping’s policies of “reform and opening to the outside world” and “peaceful development.” After Deng retired as paramount leader, these principles continued to guide China’s international behavior in the leadership eras of Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. Admonishing Chinese to “keep your heads down and bide your time,” these Party leaders sought to emphasize that China’s rapid economic development and its accession to “great power” status need not be threatening to either the existing global order or the interests of its Asian neighbors. However, since Party general secretary Xi Jinping came to power in 2012, the situation has changed. Under his leadership, China has significantly expanded the more assertive set of policies initiated by his predecessor Hu Jintao. These policies not only seek to redefine China’s place in the world as a global player, but they also have put forward the notion of a “China option” that is claimed to be a more efficient developmental model than liberal democracy.

While Americans are well acquainted with China’s quest for influence through the projection of diplomatic, economic, and military power, we are less aware of the myriad ways Beijing has more recently been seeking cultural and informational influence, some of which could undermine our democratic processes. These include efforts to penetrate and sway—through various methods that former Australian prime minister Malcolm Turnbull summarized as “covert, coercive or corrupting”—a range of groups and institutions, including the Chinese American community, Chinese students in the United States, and American civil society organizations, academic institutions, think tanks, and media.

Some of these efforts fall into the category of normal public diplomacy as pursued by many other countries. But others involve the use of coercive or corrupting methods to pressure individuals and groups and thereby interfere in the functioning of American civil and political life.