Jana Hunter | The Child of Freedom: Temporal Sovereignty in Habsburg Bohemia
FSI scholars produce research aimed at creating a safer world and examing the consequences of security policies on institutions and society. They look at longstanding issues including nuclear nonproliferation and the conflicts between countries like North and South Korea. But their research also examines new and emerging areas that transcend traditional borders – the drug war in Mexico and expanding terrorism networks. FSI researchers look at the changing methods of warfare with a focus on biosecurity and nuclear risk. They tackle cybersecurity with an eye toward privacy concerns and explore the implications of new actors like hackers.
Along with the changing face of conflict, terrorism and crime, FSI researchers study food security. They tackle the global problems of hunger, poverty and environmental degradation by generating knowledge and policy-relevant solutions.
The recent Nasdaq debut of a Korean semiconductor memory producer, SK hynix—raising $26.5 billion in the largest-ever listing by a foreign company—has garnered global recognition after temporarily overtaking Samsung Electronics as South Korea’s most valuable chipmaker. Together, the two companies account for more than half of KOSPI’s total market capitalization.
This talk will explore how South Korea built a globally competitive semiconductor memory industry, navigated intense industry competition and consolidation, survived historical boom-and-bust cycles, and emerged as a crucial player in the global artificial intelligence (AI) era. Specifically, the discussion will shed light on how South Korean firms overcame initial technological, financial, and human capital constraints to ultimately transform a historically low-margin commodity memory business into the highly profitable High Bandwidth Memory (HBM) products required for AI. Finally, the presentation will consider the future trajectory of Korea’s memory industry, including Moore’s Law, the growing semiconductor ecosystem, its U.S. footprint, the rise of Chinese memory makers, engineering talent, demand cyclicality, stock volatility, socio-economic impact, and geopolitics as the global AI industry continues to evolve.
Speaker:
C.S. Park is the former Chairman and CEO of Hynix Semiconductor (now SK hynix). In 1983, he joined Hyundai Electronics as a founding member, where he held several positions, including President of U.S. operations, Head of Semiconductor Marketing & Sales, and CEO. He was instrumental in restructuring and transforming Hyundai Electronics into Hynix Semiconductor, a leading memory company. He was also Maxtor’s CEO until its merger with Seagate, where he served as Lead Independent Director. In the past, he served on a number of boards, including DLA Piper, Enphase Energy, Computer Sciences Corp., Ballard Power, Brooks Automation, Smart Modular, STATS ChipPAC, and Silicon Valley Community Foundation. Currently, he serves as a Board Advisor for ScaleFlux, a memory and storage company scaling the AI data pipeline.
Philippines Conference Room (C330)
Encina Hall, 3rd Floor
616 Jane Stanford Way, Stanford, CA 94305
The Simon Fraser University School for International Studies, the Centre for Comparative Muslim Studies at SFU, and the Program on Arab Reform and Development at Stanford's Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law invite you to a talk by Hossam El-Hamalawy, Maher Hamoud, and Waleed Salem, in discussion with Hesham Sallam.
In-Person: SFU Harbour Centre, room 2270 (Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, BC)
Online: Via Zoom
ABOUT THE SPEAKERS
Hossam el-Hamalawy is an Egyptian journalist and scholar-activist based in Germany. His work focuses on Egypt’s military, security services, political economy, and counterrevolution. He publishes State & Barracks, a weekly newsletter examining the nexus of military power, money, and the state in Egypt. It features reporting, analysis, and military history, usually published twice a week.
Maher Hamoud is a lecturer and researcher in Political Economy of Development. He received his PhD in Political Sciences at Ghent University in 2017, Department of Conflict and Development Studies, where he also held a postdoctoral position until January 2022. He received his MA in Economic Development at the American University in Cairo in 2009. He was also the editor-in-chief of the Cairo-based Daily News Egypt. Within the domain of political economy of development, his current research focuses on the intersectionality between development politics, value chains, industrialisation, and international trade with and within the Global South.
Waleed Salem is an Egyptian scholar and journalist. He writes about authoritarian politics, comparative judicial politics, and the politics of the Arab Gulf states. Waleed earned his PhD in political science from the University of Washington with a dissertation entitled "Seeing Like a Court: Judicial Agency in Autocratic Regimes and Transition Politics – The Case of Egypt." His previous research affiliations, alongside the University of Washington, include the International Relations Department at the Central European University in Vienna, the Political Science Department at the American University in Cairo, and the Centre d'études et de documentation économiques, juridiques et sociales (CEDEJ), also in Cairo. His journalistic work appeared in Nature magazine, The New Atlantis, New Lines Magazine, and Al Jazeera, among others.
ABOUT THE DISCUSSANT
Hesham Sallam is a Senior Research Scholar at CDDRL, where he serves as Associate Director for Research. He is also Associate Director of the Program on Arab Reform and Development. Sallam is co-editor of Jadaliyya ezine and a former program specialist at the U.S. Institute of Peace. His research focuses on political and social development in the Arab World. Sallam’s research has previously received the support of the Social Science Research Council and the U.S. Institute of Peace. He is author of Classless Politics: Islamist Movements, the Left, and Authoritarian Legacies in Egypt (Columbia University Press, 2022), co-editor of Struggles for Political Change in the Arab World (University of Michigan Press, 2022), and editor of Egypt's Parliamentary Elections 2011-2012: A Critical Guide to a Changing Political Arena (Tadween Publishing, 2013). Sallam received a Ph.D. in Government (2015) and an M.A. in Arab Studies (2006) from Georgetown University, and a B.A. in Political Science from the University of Pittsburgh (2003).
Online via Zoom
Stanford University's Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC) invites applications for several fellowships in contemporary Asia studies beginning in fall quarter 2027.
APARC offers a postdoctoral fellowship on contemporary Asia, broadly defined, and, through its research programs, postdoctoral and visiting fellow positions focused on Asia health policy, contemporary Southeast Asia, contemporary Taiwan, and research tracks of the Stanford Next Asia Policy Lab.
Learn more about each opportunity and its specific application deadline and requirements:
APARC offers two postdoctoral fellowship positions to recent PhD recipients for research on contemporary Asia. The primary research areas focus on political, economic, or social change in the Asia-Pacific region (including Northeast, Southeast, and South Asia), or international relations and international political economy in the region. Appointments are for one academic year beginning in fall quarter 2027. The application deadline is December 1, 2026.
Offered by the Asia Health Policy Program at APARC, the fellowship is awarded to one recent PhD recipient for research on contemporary health or healthcare policy of high relevance to countries in the Asia-Pacific region, especially developing countries. Appointments are for one academic year beginning in fall quarter 2027. The application deadline is December 1, 2026.
The Lee Kong Chian Fellowship supports scholarship on contemporary Southeast Asia. It is open to candidates of all career stages with professional backgrounds and ongoing positions in the social sciences or humanities. Lee Kong Chian Fellows spend two to three quarters at Stanford pursuing research and writing projects. APARC's Southeast Asia Program supports research conducted under the fellowship. Appointments must begin and conclude within the period September 1, 2027, to June 30, 2028. The application deadline is January 25, 2027.
Note: The fellowship is no longer offered as a joint-residency program with the National University of Singapore. Fellows appointed through Stanford will be hosted at Stanford's Asia-Pacific Research Center, while those appointed through NUS will be hosted at NUS. Applicants who wish to pursue the fellowship at NUS should apply through the NUS application portal.
The Stanford Next Asia Policy Lab (SNAPL) addresses Asia's emergent social, cultural, economic, and political challenges. Housed at Shorenstein APARC, the lab is led by Korea Program Director Gi-Wook Shin. It focuses on four research themes: “Talent Flows and Development,” “Nationalism and Racism,” “U.S.-Asia Relations,” and “Democratic Crisis and Reform.”
SNAPL invites applications for three different fellowship offerings:
SNAPL offers two positions to recent PhD recipients for research on any of the lab's four research tracks. Appointments begin in fall quarter 2027 and are for two years, with a possibility of extension contingent on satisfactory performance and funding. The application deadline is December 1, 2026.
Jointly with the Swedish Foundation for International Cooperation in Research and Higher Education (STINT), SNAPL offers one fellowship position to recent PhD recipients, focused on scientific policy and the internationalization of higher education and research in the Asia-Pacific, with preference given to projects that directly or indirectly engage with Swedish perspectives. The appointment begins in fall quarter 2027 and is for one year, with a possibility of extension contingent on satisfactory performance and funding. The application deadline is December 1, 2026.
SNAPL offers two visiting fellow positions to researchers and professionals from the Asia-Pacific region who hold a PhD or a substantial record of achievement related to the lab's four research themes. In this fellowship cycle, the lab will prioritize scholars working on economic security. Two visiting fellow positions are available, with one of them specifically dedicated to research on the Philippines. Appointments begin in fall quarter 2027 and are for one academic year. The application deadline is March 1, 2027.
Offered by the Taiwan Program at APARC, the Kwoh-Ting Li Visiting Fellowship is open to mid-career and senior scholars in Taiwan studies. The fellowship provides an opportunity to conduct research, write, participate in seminars, or teach a course on contemporary Taiwan. It supports research on issues related to Taiwan’s economy, society, demography, environment, technology, and other areas of contemporary Taiwan studies. The appointment begins in fall quarter 2027 and runs for one academic year. The application deadline is March 1, 2027.
The center and its research programs offer multiple postdoctoral and visiting fellowships in Asian studies starting in fall quarter 2027. Opportunities are open to scholars of contemporary Asia from a wide range of disciplines, encompassing both pan-regional research and specialized tracks focused on specific regions and themes.
Citizenship is conventionally understood as a source of rights and protection. It is also a source of dependency: states retain distinctive authority over passports, legal identities, civil status, and mobility that citizens need even when they live abroad. Under authoritarianism, these dependencies become instruments of political control. The study introduces extraterritorial authoritarian citizenship, a continuing relationship in which emigrants depend on origin-state institutions whose provision of nominally universal rights is politically conditional. It generates latent leverage: the capacity to impose costs without exercising it against anyone in particular. Emigrants may curb dissent even when never targeted, and transnational repression activates leverage already at work. Using a four-wave panel survey of 4,000+ Russian emigrants in over 100 countries and 500+ interviews, the authors show that what emigrants fear is the open-ended legal and administrative reach of the origin state rather than targeted violence, that this fear suppresses contentious activism specifically, and that only the protection of another state reduces it. (In collaboration with Emil Kamalov and Karolina Nugumanova).
ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Ivetta Sergeeva specializes in comparative social science, focusing on political behavior, civil society, citizenship and migration. In her research, she employs a mixed-methods approach, emphasizing surveys, statistical modeling, experiments, and interviews. Apart from her research skills, she has eight years of experience supervising projects in civil society and human rights organizations within the challenging context of contemporary Russia.
Virtual to Public. If prompted for a password, use: 123456
Only those with an active Stanford ID with access to Conference Room E-008 in Encina Hall, East, may attend in person.
Encina Hall, E111
616 Jane Stanford Way
Stanford, CA 94305-6055
Emily Russell is the Gerhard Casper postdoctoral fellow at CDDRL. She received her Ph.D. in political science at Stanford University, focusing on comparative politics.
Emily’s dissertation project examined the role of the police in enforcing economic order through the function of labor repression in unequal enclaves in democracies, with a focus on the tea plantation economy in northeast India. In other ongoing research, she focuses on carceral institutions, the intersection of development and contention, and land and labor politics. To study these topics, Emily takes a mixed-methods approach, leveraging administrative data, open-source environmental and text data, archival materials, in-depth interviews, and participant observation. Regionally, Emily often focuses on India with broader interest in South Asia and the Americas.
At Stanford, Emily was a Knight-Hennessy Scholar and a National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellow. Prior to graduate school, Emily received her B.A. in Political Science and Environmental Science from the University of Michigan.
Under what conditions do pro-democracy global actors support domestic opposition actors resisting democratic backsliding, and when does such support shape public opinion? This book project develops a theory of international rhetorical pressure that examines both the supply and demand of foreign engagement in backsliding contexts. On the supply side, it argues that international actors' public attention to democratic developments abroad is shaped by both domestic political developments and geopolitical ties. On the demand side, it suggests that foreign statements can shape public opinion toward pro-democracy movements. Drawing on an original dataset of US Secretary of State speeches, survey experiments, and elite interviews, the project shows that geopolitical interests often shape when international actors publicly address democracy abroad, but that when they do, foreign messages can meaningfully shape public opinion. The project highlights the increasingly international nature of backsliding and both the opportunities and challenges international engagement creates for domestic opposition actors.
ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Benjamin Yoel is the Jan Koum Israel Studies Program Postdoctoral Fellow at Stanford University’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL). Benjamin studies democratic backsliding, nonviolent resistance, authoritarian politics, and the role of international factors in the context of regime change. He is particularly interested in understanding when and how international actors can help or hurt domestic opposition movements defend democracy. His book project examines the supply and demand-side of international rhetorical pressure in the context of democratic backsliding and opposition to it. Benjamin's other work examines mass public support for democratic backsliding, public willingness to support retaliatory measures by democratic governments against former backsliding leaders, and the broader challenges facing pro-democracy actors in an increasingly illiberal international system. His research has been published in Nature, the International Journal of Public Opinion Research, and American Politics Research. He received his PhD in Political Science from Michigan State University and BA and MA degrees from Reichman University.
Virtual to Public. If prompted for a password, use: 123456
Only those with an active Stanford ID with access to Conference Room E-008 in Encina Hall, East, may attend in person.
Encina Hall, E105
616 Jane Stanford Way
Stanford, CA 94305-6055
Benjamin Yoel is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) at Stanford University. Previously, he was a Predoctoral Fellow at Johns Hopkins University's SNF Agora Institute and a visiting PhD student at the University of Chicago's Center on Democracy.
Benjamin studies democratic backsliding, nonviolent resistance, international pressure, opposition politics, and public opinion. His main research agenda focuses on the nexus of foreign pressure and opposition to democratic backsliding. Other work focuses on the broader causes and consequences of democratic backsliding as well as making different types of data more accessible to researchers and practitioners alike. His academic work has been published in Nature: Scientific Data, The International Journal of Public Opinion Research, International Affairs, and American Politics Research.
In addition to his academic research, Benjamin has consulted on projects related to democratic backsliding that have been supported by the US Department of State's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from Michigan State University and a B.A. and M.A. in Government from Reichman University.
As Russia’s war against Ukraine grinds on and debate intensifies over how to end it, what could push the conflict into a more dangerous phase of escalation? This talk examines how the Putin regime’s domestic political imperatives shape when Moscow absorbs setbacks and when it escalates. It argues that Russian behavior reflects a “pressure-cooker” dynamic: external geopolitical constraints favor restraint, while battlefield failures, war weariness, and pressure from hardliners can gradually raise the domestic costs of inaction. The result is prolonged restraint punctuated by abrupt escalation across conventional, gray-zone, and nuclear domains. Counterintuitively, the greatest danger may arise before a domestic crisis fully materializes — when wartime exhaustion or the political and economic strains of a ceasefire loom, but the Putin regime still retains the capacity to act coherently. This argument has direct implications for Western efforts to manage escalation and negotiate an end to the war without inadvertently increasing Moscow’s incentives for risk-taking.
Aleksandar Matovski is an Associate Professor in the Department of National Security Affairs at the Naval Postgraduate School. His research focuses on the impact of domestic politics on the durability and strategic behavior of authoritarian regimes, with a regional emphasis on Europe and the former Soviet Union. Matovski holds a PhD and MA in Government from Cornell University, an MA in War Studies from King’s College London, and a BA in Law from Saints Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje. Prior to his academic career, he was National Security Advisor in the Government of North Macedonia and Political and Military Advisor in the North Macedonian Ministry of Defense.
The REDS Seminar Series aims to deepen the research agenda on the new challenges facing Europe, especially on its eastern flank, and to build intellectual and institutional bridges across Stanford University, fostering interdisciplinary approaches to current global challenges.
REDS is organized by The Europe Center and the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law.
Learn more about REDS and view past seminars here.
Virtual to Public. If prompted for a password, use: 123456
Only those with an active Stanford ID with access to William J. Perry Conference Room in Encina Hall may attend in person.
The global demand for “AI sovereignty” is increasingly shaping AI policy and safety discussions. What was once a niche concern has become a widely shared priority, with more countries seeking control over how AI is built, deployed, and governed within their borders. This memo synthesizes key insights on the drivers of AI sovereignty, how countries are operationalizing it in practice, and the implications for U.S. diffusion strategy and managing global risks.
Three premises frame the analysis. First, emerging economies and middle powers are becoming crucial partners, consumers, and suppliers in the global AI ecosystem. Second, U.S. leadership in frontier AI creates a narrow—and likely diminishing—window to shape how this technology diffuses. Third, understanding what countries actually want from AI is critical to designing a sustainable U.S. diffusion strategy and navigating shared risks.
These insights draw on ongoing research from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) and Stanford's Program on Geopolitics, Technology, and Governance (GTG), and were further developed at a workshop, “AI Sovereignty, Diffusion, and Risk: Strategy in a Contested Landscape,” convened by CEIP and GTG on June 17, 2026 with experts from civil society, industry, and academia.
While the term “AI sovereignty” is ambiguous, it has become an increasingly influential part of international AI discussions. Sovereignty goals seem less about achieving true technological autarky (widely seen as unfeasible), and more about a desire to secure national interests (economic, security, cultural) within a tech landscape dominated by the U.S. and China. In this way, AI sovereignty might be practically understood better as “AI agency:” a country's ability to execute choices in line with national interests. In search of this agency, countries will likely pursue a strategy that combines assured access arrangements for foreign AI models and hardware with efforts to diversify and build domestic capacity (indigenous or modified foreign open-source) if such access is disrupted. These domestic capacity efforts tend to focus on cheaper, multilingual, and multimodal models contextually attuned to underserved markets.
Sovereignty can serve as a source of resilience, and, increasingly, may serve as a deterrent against being cut off from frontier AI capabilities. To achieve this deterrent effect, countries are likely to seek sources of leverage along the AI value chain. These may include:
These sources of leverage, however, could be a depreciating asset, as a nation may only be able to threaten or use its leverage once before providers diversify away from it.
Discussions of AI sovereignty in many middle powers and emerging economies are primarily driven by concerns over dependency, extractivism, market concentration, and geopolitical subordination. Cross-border, large-scale AI risks like cyberattacks, biosecurity, or rogue AI agents have not been central to these debates to date, as they are often perceived as remote or lower priority than immediate economic and political concerns and assured access to AI technology.
Recent events, such as the U.S. government blocking Anthropic's Fable model access, have reinforced this focus on dependency. While the incident highlighted the potential for dangerous capabilities, the primary international reaction has been concerned with the U.S. wielding a “kill switch” over model deployment, reinforcing fears of unilateral control and strengthening the case for AI sovereignty.
This dynamic could shift as AI capabilities diffuse. The widespread availability of powerful models capable of causing significant cross-border harm, such as cybersecurity failures in critical infrastructure, may force a re-evaluation. In such a scenario, the salience of shared safety and security could rise, potentially aligning national interests more closely with global risk mitigation efforts.
A clear trend of sovereign-related AI projects and announcements is underway globally, especially in the EU, Indo-Pacific, and Gulf States. These initiatives range from building national compute clusters and developing domestic models to pursuing legal arrangements to ensure data localization and provide assured access to foreign AI models.
However, a significant gap often exists between high-level ambitions and the operational capacity to implement them, as many efforts lack clear funding and technical expertise.
The viability of these national ambitions may hinge on a critical, and often unresolved, distinction: identifying which use cases can use “good enough” AI, relying on less advanced models and infrastructure, versus those that require access to the frontier.
A fundamental tension exists between two potential AI futures: one where a handful of frontier labs create a runaway capability gap, and another where open-source models remain competitive and useful for most purposes.
In a world where frontier models pull away, a U.S.-led stack could become central to the global economy and international security, giving the U.S. unprecedented insight and international leverage.
In contrast, in a world where open-source and fast follower models remain competitive, the strategic calculus shifts, potentially lowering the stakes of frontier competition for many countries and enabling more diversified technology ecosystems.
The concept of an organized “third stack” as an alternative to U.S. and Chinese ecosystems built on open-source models and diverse hardware is a potential pathway for middle powers seeking to avoid dependency. This alternative is only viable if a coalition of middle powers align on standards for procuring and deploying AI to pool their collective purchasing power; the European Union’s regulatory and tech sovereignty efforts are informed by this logic. However, multi-state organization around a third stack faces significant collective action problems, and any effort to create an independent stack could be viewed as a challenge to U.S. national security, incentivizing Washington to pursue bilateral engagements that thwart an emergent alternative.
Even if many countries' economic, development, and security goals can be achieved through “good enough” AI, countries may want access to high-end capabilities for specific purposes. This could give the United States an opportunity to offer assured access to frontier AI in exchange for safety and security commitments.
However, an assured access framework faces major challenges:
Many believe the U.S. government currently lacks the capacity and planning to execute a complex global AI diffusion strategy. The U.S. government’s existing toolkit for promoting the U.S. tech stack, including bodies like the Development Finance Corporation (DFC) and EXIM Bank, is difficult to deploy effectively. The government's most effective role may be to de-risk investment and lend credibility in geopolitically critical areas where a natural market does not exist.
In the absence of a robust government strategy, market forces are the primary driver. The quality of U.S. technology creates a natural pull, but this may be counteracted by U.S. policy unpredictability.
In this vacuum, non-governmental actors are stepping in. Philanthropic organizations are brokering agreements between U.S. AI labs and Global Majority countries for specific use cases. However, it remains unclear if these ad-hoc efforts can scale into a coherent ecosystem that benefits U.S. interests.
This analysis surfaces several unresolved questions that warrant further research and debate. Priorities for future inquiry include:
The war in Ukraine is in its 5th year, and casualties continue to mount. How did we get here? And how does this war end? This presentation and discussion will cover the latest military developments, as well as a review of the economic and political factors that will determine how strong Ukraine, Russia, and Europe will be going into negotiations.
ABOUT THE SPEAKERS
Alexandra Vacroux is Vice President for Strategic Engagement at the Kyiv School of Economics (KSE). Her scholarly work has focused on Russia, and heavily on the war against Ukraine. Before moving to Ukraine in 2024, she served as Executive Director at Harvard’s Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies. Alexandra holds a Ph.D. in government from Harvard University. Her dissertation considered informal institutions and corruption in Russia’s pharmaceutical markets and emerged from her experience living in Moscow from 1992 to 2004.
Yevhenii Malik is a former Marine Infantry sergeant in the Armed Forces of Ukraine and a veteran of the Ukraine War. He has extensive frontline experience, including in the 2022 battle for Mariupol. From April 2022 to September 2024, he endured captivity in Russia. Malik is an advocate for Ukraine’s armed forces and veterans and is responsible for undergraduate national security and defense programs at the Kyiv School of Economics (KSE).
Only those with an active Stanford ID and access to the William J. Perry Conference Room in Encina Hall may attend in person. Others may attend virtually, via Zoom.
Registration required.