Former fellow starts NGO to counter corruption in Lebanon
During a recent visit to Stanford, Rabih El Chaer (’07), an alumnus of the Draper Hills Summer Fellows Program (DHSFP) at Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, shared his thoughts on the pervasive 'culture of corruption' in Lebanon, highlighting the need for strong counteractions from civil society. Last year, El Chaer founded Sakker el Dekkene, a Lebanese NGO dedicated to developing platforms to bolster accountability and track bribes. Lebanon is rated 136 out of 175 countries in Transparency International's 2014 Corruption Perceptions Index. Before founding Sakker el Dekkene, El Chaer served as the political and media advisor to the Kuawaiti Minister of Information and Youth.
1) What are the top challenges facing Lebanon today?
In the political spectrum, Lebanon is facing one of its biggest challenges: an institutional vacuum by which the country has been without a president for more than a year. This matter is also linked to the cancellation of the parliamentary elections. With the absence of a clear budget in the public administration since 2005, the debt exceeds 105 percent, which has increased unemployment rates.
Another challenge is the omnipresence of corruption in both public and private sectors. Last year, Lebanon ranked 136 out of 175 countries in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index, dropping from the 127th place it took in 2013. And in 2013, the World Bank's Control of Corruption Indicator was at its second lowest since 1996. With the absence of accountability and transparency, corruption became engrained in Lebanon's political, administrative and economic environment, hindering the rule law and good governance.
Last but not least, the existence of refugees and instability in the region has been a great promoter for instability, unemployment, and population overgrowth, which Lebanon cannot handle.
2) What is the government doing to address this culture of corruption?
In 2008, the Lebanese government took the initiative and signed the United Nations Convention against Corruption treaty. This treaty includes 51 articles on anti-corruption. The government had the goodwill to initiate three pillar projects: access to information; whistle blower protection; and the establishment of the national anti-corruption authority.
But in reality, no law was voted for and no anti-corruption national plan was adopted. Furthermore, the lack of accountability perpetuates the problem, given the rampant corruption across sectors - including the judicial system - which was ranked third in the number of bribes paid based on citizen reports submitted through Sakker El Dekkene.
3) Tell us about some of the anti-corruption projects you have been working on at your organization - Sakkar el Dekkene.
Investigation and research are critical for Sakker el Dekkene’s plan to produce substantive content and data related to corruption, which will be used to push for change. This information includes bribe data, surveys, investigations, and reports, among others.
The second critical project is legal work, ranging from producing draft laws to helping public authorities implement the rule of law and defend individuals’ rights, all the way to taking corruption cases to court.
The Ombudsman Law was voted for in 2005 in Lebanon, but until now, the government has yet to establish the office, yet alone appoint its leadership. At this moment, we serve the role of an ombudsman.
Additionally, partnership with various organizations and authorities has an amplifying effect on all our activities. Partners include ministries, public administrations and other public authorities willing to collaborate, as well as private sector entities and other local and international NGOs. Lobbying with public sector stakeholders, ministers, judiciary, the media and others on the elections monitoring process will push the pressure to fight corruption to its highest level.
4) How do you engage the public in your work?
Awareness is done through a wide range of activities, including education at school and the university level; entertainment projects such as songs, cartoons, film festivals, award days; and other outside-the-box activities and events. We also have a strong public awareness campaign, engaging directly with the public in malls, fairs and events during our Kabseh (meaning "pressure") tours as well as on social media. Through our touring, we inform people about how they can use our platform to report deficiencies in public administration and identify system loopholes.
5) What challenges does the organization face today? How has the government responded to your projects?
Having a country where more than 50 percent of the nationals resort to corruption in order to have their needs met is very challenging. To top this off, many Lebanese do not report the corruption they witness, initiate, or are victims of. This makes it very challenging for us to receive an accurate number of reports.
Violence is another challenge we face. Some people react to our cause by resorting to violent means. Also, the fact that media in Lebanon can have a certain political affiliation is another challenge because the bias found in media does not help portray the earned image we have received in the public’s eye.
6) What advice would you give summer fellows alumni seeking to counter/combat corruption in their home countries?
It is important to always have the faith, willpower and patience to keep striving for a corruption-free country. A professional strategy based on facts, political neutrality, and transparency is key to making your argument more believable, feasible and durable.
Social media - including Facebook, Twitter and Instagram - are very important in helping spread your cause, vision, aim and activities.
Partnership and collaboration with civil society - including NGOs - is necessary to guarantee alliance and sustainability in spreading your vision. There is no prototype for combating corruption. Evolution – not revolution – is required. The fight against corruption is not with people; it is with the system.
Lobbying and Campaign Finance
On November 14-15, the Program on American Democracy in Comparative Perspective hosted a conference on Lobbying and Campaign Finance. The conference brought together academics, practitioners, and lawyers to understand the impact of money in politics on a variety of outcomes, including special interest capture, democratic distortion, and inequality. The conference provided a rare opportunity to combine discussions of potential political reforms with evaluation of recent empirical findings in the area of lobbying and campaign finance. Participants covered a range of topics, including lobbying in Congress and in executive agencies; the relationship between patterns of campaign finance and partisan polarization; campaign finance laws, political parties, and special interest influence; and the regulation of lobbying and political money in other advanced democracies. The conference report summarizes the reform ideas that emerged from the conference discussions, including increasing soft money to political parties, disclosure of dark money, limiting lobbying access through the revolving door, and increasing the capacity of government.
The conference was held at the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, a donor to the Program on American Democracy.
Corruption, Democracy and Security
AUDIO FROM SEGMENT OF TALK
Abstract:
A democratic recession is underway across much of Africa. Ironically it coincides with sustained economic growth since 1998. Much of this growth derived from political and economic liberalization in the 1990s, that has accelerated over the past 15 years due to an upsurge in demand for Africa’s natural resources. GDP growth does not mean development, however, and deepening inequality is more easily politicised and militarized along identity lines by elites in an era where across the world the politics of identity is resurgent. Both the war against terror and the rise of the Chinese governance model – authoritarian but efficient and compelling politically and economically – have seen elites consolidate power in fewer hands stalling and/or reversing the democratic developments of the last two decades. This elite capture of democratic processes is not limited to the South and has led to a delegitimisation of traditional political parties and players. Additionally, the securitization of geopolitics that has accompanied the ‘war against terror’ has fed a dramatic upsurge in spending on ‘national security’. National security is the last refuge of the corrupt. Indeed, this securitization has been accompanied not only by an upsurge in graft but the ongoing democratic recession. My presentation asks why and how this has come about. Finally, how can democratic gains be protected, consolidated and expanded.
Speaker Bio:
Russia: Back to the Future feat. Mikhail Khodorkovsky
Video
Speaker Bio:
Mikhail Khodorkovsky is a former Russian businessman and political prisoner of Vladimir Putin’s regime. Prior to his arrest in 2003, Khodorkovsky was the head of Yukos, one of Russia’s largest oil producers, and an increasingly outspoken critic of corruption in Russian life. He began funding opposition parties and established Open Russia, a non-governmental organization promoting a strong civil society. Khodorkovsky was one of the pioneers of Internet in Russia. His company Yukos incubated numerous successful Internet entrepreneurs and investors. He financed educating Russian teachers on new technologies, computerization of schools and broadband Internet connection for schools and libraries in Russian regions. Khodorkovsky was arrested and charged with fraud and tax evasion, and sentenced to nine years in prison, which was prolonged to eleven years after the second trial. Khodorkovsky, declared a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International, was released in December 2013. Following his release he declared that he will support political prisoners and civil society in Russia. In September 2014 Khodorkovsky re-launched Open Russia as a movement aiming to unite pro-Western Russian citizens.
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CEMEX Auditorium
Zambrano Hall/North Building
Graduate School of Business
Stanford University
641 Knight Way
Julie Cordua speaks on child exploitation and sexual abuse imagery
Julie Cordua, executive director of Thorn, a non-profit organization founded by Ashton Kutcher and Demi Moore, spoke passionately on the topic child exploitation and sexual abuse imagery for the Stanford Program on Human Rights’ Winter Speaker Series U.S Human Rights NGOs and International Human Rights on February 4, 2015.
Cordua addressed the Stanford audience about the importance of technology for acting as the “digital defenders of children." She provided a chilling account of child sexual exploitation, first describing the problem and then going on to challenge preconceived notions about it. For example, she highlighted that in order to tackle the issue, it must first be understood that it concerns a highly vulnerable population; most child victims of sexual exploitation come from extremely abusive backgrounds and many have been sexually abused by one or more parents.
Cordua emphasized that technology innovations have contributed to a proliferation of child exploitation and sexual abuse imagery through the use of encrypted networks that make it extremely difficult to hunt down perpetrators and find victims. Cordua feels that while technology is intensifying the problem, technology is also the solution. Examples she gave were the development of algorithms that aim to track perpetrators and their victims and advertisements that encourage pedophiles to seek help.
Helen Stacy, director of the Program on Human Rights, queried Cordua on Thorn’s relationship with the government and private sector, as well as on Thorn’s approach for testing the efficacy of their programs. Cordua responded that Thorn does not apply for government funds so as to maintain independence over their projects but that they actively cultivate strong relationships with politicians and law enforcers. In relation to evaluation metrics, Cordua acknowledged that metrics are especially difficult in such a cryptic field as it is nearly impossible to know what numbers they are dealing with from the onset. Questions from the audience included effective strategies for changing the conversation of pedophilia in the public sphere, the emotional stamina required for pursuing such work, and strategies for connecting with and providing a safe platform for victims of child sexual exploitation.
Dana Phelps, Program Associate, Program on Human Rights