Kotkin’s scholarly contributions span the fields of Russian-Soviet, Northeast Asian, and global history. His publications include Stalin: Waiting for Hitler, 1929-1941, and Stalin, Vol. I: Paradoxes of Power, 1878-1928, part of a three-volume history of Russian power in the world and of Stalin’s power in Russia.

"I am thrilled to welcome Stephen to FSI this fall,” said FSI Director Michael McFaul. “He is an excellent addition to the cutting-edge research and teaching team at APARC, and I look forward to seeing the important impact he makes in his new role."

Kotkin writes reviews and essays for The Times Literary Supplement, Foreign Affairs, and The Wall Street Journal, among other publications. He was the business book reviewer for the New York Times Sunday Business Section for a number of years. He earned a bachelor’s degree at the University of Rochester in 1981 and received a Ph.D. at UC Berkeley in 1988, and during that time took a graduate seminar at Stanford.

Michael McFaul, director of the Freeman Spogli Institute, said: “I cannot believe our good fortune that we have managed to convince Peter to come back to FSI, where he was a senior fellow before leaving for NYU. His research interest fits perfectly with the mission of our Center for Democracy, Development, and Rule of Law, and our students have no idea how lucky they will be to have Peter in the classroom.” 

Henry has published groundbreaking articles in top economics journals that evaluate the impact of economic reform on asset prices, investment, wages, and economic growth. His current research on the global infrastructure challenge builds on the scholarship in his book Turnaround: Third World Lessons for First World Growth (Basic Books, 2013), which addresses economic efficiency as well as international relations, with the aim of increasing awareness of the interconnected fortunes of advanced and developing nations. 

Henry taught economics at Stanford from 1997 to 2009. He was a national fellow of the Hoover Institution from 2000 to 2001. At Stanford, his research was funded by an NSF CAREER Grant from 2001 to 2006, and in 2005 he became the first African American professor to earn tenure at the Stanford Graduate School of Business, where, from 2008 to 2010, he was the Konosuke Matsushita Professor of International Economics. Henry holds a PhD in economics (MIT, 1997), a BA in mathematics as a Rhodes Scholar (Oxford, 1993), and a BA with distinction, highest honors, and Phi Beta Kappa in economics (UNC Chapel Hill, 1991). 

A vice chair of the National Bureau of Economic Research and the Economic Club of New York, Henry received the 2021 Impactful Mentor Award from the American Economic Association for his founding and continued leadership of the PhD Excellence Initiative. A member of the President’s Commission on White House Fellowships from 2009 to 2017, he also received the Foreign Policy Association Medal in 2015, the Carnegie Foundation Great Immigrant Award in 2016, and the Council on Economic Education Visionary Award in 2018.

In her research, Pan set out to answer that question – exactly how much information from non-Chinese social media platforms flows into Chinese social media? And what types of information flow into Chinese social media from global social media? Who facilitates the flow of information?

To answer these questions, Pan and her team of researchers looked at data from Twitter and Weibo from January to April 2021 at the outset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Using a combination of deep learning and human annotation, they identified 14 million English-language Twitter posts with content related to COVID-19. Of those tweets, 1.8 million tweets referred to China and COVID-19. Her team then identified the most viral of those tweets and searched for them within the 6.7 million COVID-related Weibo posts.

Pan found that 44% of viral tweets appeared on both Twitter and Weibo, but that the content was co-occurring: it didn’t first appear on Twitter, but appeared on Twitter and Weibo at the same time, going viral independently of one other. In fact, only 13% of viral Tweets first appeared on Twitter and were transmitted to Weibo. Pan then turned to analyzing what type of information was shared on the social media platforms. She noted that although less than 40% of all COVID- and China-related content shared on Twitter was critical of the Chinese government, Chinese leadership, and/or racist towards Chinese people, 70% of the content that was shared from Twitter to Weibo was critical of the Chinese government, Chinese leadership, and/or racist towards Chinese people. Who was sharing this information? Of the 13% of Weibo posts shared from Twitter, 60% were posted by ordinary (non-VIP) accounts, 30% were posted by individual VIP accounts, and 10% were posted by organizational VIP accounts.

After sharing the results, Pan postulated on why the users were sharing the information they were sharing. She noted, "one possibility is that some sort of confirmation bias is going on.” Many people may believe the narrative that the U.S. won’t tolerate the rise of China, so they share information that confirms that belief. She then turned to answer a number of questions from the audience, taking an even deeper dive into her research and the possibilities for future research. 

Watch the full recording:

At the end of the talk, Pan summarized the responses to her motivating questions:

Q: How much information from non-Chinese social media platforms flows into Chinese social media?
A: “There’s very limited flow of information from Twitter to Weibo during the emergence of COVID-19.”

Q: What types of information flow into Chinese social media from global social media?
A: “A really outsized share is content critical of the Chinese government, expressing criticism towards Chinese people and anti-Chinese sentiment.”

Q: Who facilitates the flow of information?
A: The majority of shared posts come from accounts of ordinary users. But at the same time, the users are drawing information for the tweets from posts being shared by traditional media outlets.

Bonus Question: Why are users choosing to primarily share info that is critical of the Chinese government, Chinese leadership, and racist toward Chinese people?
A: Although her research can’t answer this question, Pan postulates that it could be due to confirmation bias. Many people may believe the narrative that the U.S. won’t tolerate the rise of China, so they share information that confirms that belief.

SCCEI hosts multiple China Chats with Stanford Faculty events a year, you can view all of our past and upcoming events on our events page and register for the next China Chat!

On October 21, 2021, the APARC China Program had the opportunity to host Peter Martin, Defense Policy and Intelligence Reporter for Bloomberg News, for a program on Chinese displomacy. In honor of his recently released book, China's Civilian Army: The Making of Wolf Warrior Diplomacy, Mr. Martin gave us a deep dive into the origins of this contentious diplomatic style and what it tells us about domestic politics in China. The panel was moderated by Professor Jean Oi, William Haas Professor of Chinese Politics and director of the APARC China Program.

As many who follow Chinese politics will be aware, Chinese diplomacy in the past several years has become increasingly assertive and its diplomats have used sharper language. Based on Chinese action movies of the same name, this pointed style of communication has earned these diplomats the title "wolf warriors." Some of the more stand-out examples of wolf warrior diplomacy include China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Zhao Lijian's claim that COVID-19 was actually created by the United States, or the uncomfortable exchange between American and Chinese diplomats at the US-China Alaska summit in March, 2021.

In this program, Mr. Martin traced the roots of China's approach to diplomacy back to the communist revolution of 1949 and told the story of how it has evolved through social upheaval, famine, capitalist reforms, and China's rise to superpower status. His book draws on dozens of interviews and--for the first time--on the memoirs of more than 100 retired Chinese diplomats. The program was followed by a robust Q&A session between Mr. Martin and the audience. Watch now: 

For more information about China's Civilian Army: The Making of Wolf Warrior Diplomacy or to purchase a copy, please click here.

On October 6, 2021, the APARC China Program hosted the panel program, "Engaging China: Fifty Years of Sino-American Relations." In honor of her recently released book of the same title, Director of the Grassroots China Initiative Anne Thurston was joined by contributors Mary Bullock, President Emerita of Agnes Scott College; Thomas Fingar, Shorenstein APARC Fellow; and David M. Lampton, Professor Emeritus at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). Thomas Fingar also moderated the panel.

Recent years have seen the U.S.-China relationship rapidly deteriorate. Engaging China brings together leading China specialists—ranging from academics to NGO leaders to former government officials—to analyze the past, present, and future of U.S.-China relations.

During their panel, Bullock, Fingar, Lampton, and Thurston reflected upon the complex and multifaceted nature of American engagement with China since the waning days of Mao’s rule. What initially motivated U.S.’ rapprochement with China? Until recent years, what logic and processes have underpinned the U.S. foreign policy posture towards China? What were the gains and the missteps made during five decades of America’s engagement policy toward China? What is the significance of our rapidly deteriorating bilateral relations today? Watch now: 

For more information about Engaging China or to purchase a copy, please click here.

My summer internship experience at the Asia Society Policy Institute (ASPI) was remote due to the pandemic. It was nonetheless a memorable experience as I got to explore cybersecurity issues around Southeast Asia. ASPI is a think-tank under the umbrella of the Asia Society family, which aims to explain the diversity of Asia to the United States and the complexity of the United States to Asia. It heightens understanding between the two regions and tackles major policy challenges confronting the Asia-Pacific in security, prosperity, and sustainability by providing solution-oriented recommendations and ideas for such challenges.

At Asia Society Policy Institute (ASPI), I delved into policies and developments around the data privacy issue in Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand, and Singapore. I learned how these countries bring up policies and collaborate bilaterally, regionally, and globally to tackle problems around cybersecurity. My summer internship experience also enriched my knowledge and understanding of the world.

Working at ASPI

The internship started in June 2021, around the end of the spring quarter, and continued through the end of summer. There were a total of four interns in the Washington D.C. office. I mainly worked with a small team of three - Elina, my supervisor, Chris, my co-intern, and I - which focused on cybersecurity issues.

My supervisor, Elina Noor, an inspiring expert in cyberspace, especially in the Southeast Asia region, led the team with great insights and leadership. Along with my co-intern, Chris, we spent the entire three months working on a project that studies Ethical Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Data for Inclusive Development in Southeast Asia. The project itself is expected to continue for a year, and we were in the early stages of the project. 

As a security research intern, I collected data and assisted the research. Additionally, I focused on building-up fundamental understanding of the project - determining the stages of development each country is in, how they respond to the global trend and issues, and what criteria need to be included in analyzing the different characteristics of each country, considering both the local context and the global trend. In the next nine months, the project will survey countries’ positions on these issues, assess the importance and impact of the topic, and highlight the significance of engaging in international developments. I am excited for the final product to come forth, a collaborative work of all people involved in this project.

Other responsibilities also came along the way. I had the opportunity to find the correlation between the South China Sea dispute and cyber incidents between the countries claiming sovereignty over the region. These incidents are ambiguous to identify, and the attribution is not always clear. It was also challenging to make a data set from scratch as it was a whole new experience. However, I managed to conclude that cyber incidents spiked around the time of the major disputes around the South China Sea. No secret that the Global Economy class taught by Professor Aturupane from Fall 2020-21 helped me make sense of the data set and read graphs!

The interns in the New York and Washington D.C. office took turns doing daily press scans, following up with news from the Northeast to the Middle East. It was amazing to learn how Asia, as one big continent, held such a diverse set of news and events occurring each day. I also accumulated lists of people in congress, embassies, and the government to share the op-eds from ASPI. Most of these administrative works were done as a team effort, and I met a larger ASPI family through the experience.

Ending My Internship

Working at ASPI was a rewarding way to spend my summer. I owe special thanks to Elina and Chris, who were incredibly supportive and made me feel like I was making a significant contribution to the institution. I was also rewarded with knowledge and insights into new topics in Asia and its relations with the world, mainly focusing on the U.S. It provided great insight into the developments of cybersecurity issues and data privacy around Southeast Asian countries. It was a fantastic opportunity to apply what I learned at Stanford to real-world policy problems. I thoroughly enjoyed my internship this summer and feel ready to embark on new challenges that will come forth in my career path.

Education is widely considered one of the greatest investments a government can make into its citizens and economic prosperity. At the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), government officials are working with partner countries to improve the quality and reach of their education systems. The agency recently stood up the Center for Education, charged with achieving sustained, measurable improvements in students’ learning outcomes and skills development. In addition, education teams are embedded within regional bureaus and are responsible for assisting with country-level education programming. 

Over the summer, I had the opportunity to intern with USAID’s Africa Bureau, where I learned how the U.S. Government (USG) foreign assistance is programmed to support children and youth’s educational development. During my internship, I participated in numerous working groups that deepened my understanding of what education has the power to do for children and youth, particularly the most vulnerable and marginalized.

One of my most meaningful assignments was helping to lead the USG’s Working Group on Education in Crisis and Conflict Settings. Through this experience, I learned that schooling is important for a myriad of reasons beyond learning outcomes and job placement. In conflict and crises zones, for instance, schools can provide children with physical and emotional protection as well as a greater sense of normalcy. 

For this group, I was responsible for encouraging participant engagement and organizing monthly meetings. I secured additional members, solicited member feedback, and crafted agendas based on participant input and events on the ground. Through this group, I was able to see first-hand how the USG is ensuring the continuity of education programming in some of the most difficult humanitarian crises zones—from Haiti to Afghanistan.

I was also able to take part in several joint research projects that USAID funded in collaboration with external partners. These research projects included: 1) a review of social and emotional learning outcomes for students in Africa, 2) an analysis of how education contributes to resiliency in Africa (and vice-versa), and 3) an examination of how violence against children is perpetrated within school systems and recommendations for prevention. I coordinated workflow between USAID and external partners for these research projects, compiled feedback, participated in working sessions on key findings, and observed field interviews. 

Most significantly, I distilled each of the final research papers into three two-page summary sheets for ease of reference for our team and future collaborators. Of the three research topics, I found the insight into social and emotional learning outcomes to be the most interesting. While I had conceptualized learning outcomes solely in terms of curriculum content, schooling is also paramount for developing students’ social and emotional competencies – from peer-to-peer dynamics to emotional self-regulation. These competencies, which schools, directly and indirectly, teach their students, are critical for helping individuals to manage shocks and stressors into adulthood.

Lastly, I helped to roll out two new initiatives within my team for USAID writ large. First, I helped launch a new USAID working group on promoting resiliency within the education system in Africa.  I worked with the lead organizer to finalize the participant list, develop the kickoff meeting agenda, and review the group’s statement of work and overall mission. Second, I assisted with developing an online training module designed to assist officers with safeguarding and protecting children’s rights within education programs. I coordinated with external partners to organize a two-week pilot testing of the training module – securing expert USAID officers to help pilot, creating and reviewing feedback forms, and taking the training myself.

From this training, I learned that schools are not always safe spaces that positively impact the lives of children.  At times, schools are the site of violence and abuse, particularly in crisis and conflict-affected areas and among the most marginalized. The training taught me how to identify signs of abuse and respond to and report situations of abuse. 

At the conclusion of my internship, I not only gained greater insight into education programming but also into my future career trajectory. I applied to the Ford Dorsey Master’s in International Program (MIP) at the the Freeman Spogli Institute with the intention to focus on international security from a humanitarian, development, and human rights perspective. I envision my next job within USAID, the U.S. Department of State, or the United States Institute of Peace. Now that I have interned with USAID, I am certain that this is still the path I see for myself. Following my internship, I plan to apply to the Presidential Management Fellows Program, as well as directly to USG hiring agencies. I am confident that my time spent at USAID has prepared me well for this new chapter.

On May 5, 2021, the APARC China Program hosted Professor Yuen Yuen Ang, Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Michigan for her program, "The Role of Corruption in China's Speedy, Risky Boom." Based on her recently published book, China's Gilded Age, Ang explored the impact of corruption on China's economy and how it compares to other countries around the world, including the United States during the late 1800s. Professor Jean Oi, William Haas Professor of Chinese Politics and director of the APARC China Program, moderated the event.

While corrupt countries are usually poor, China appears to be an exception. President Xi Jinping acknowledges that corruption in the country has reached crisis proportions. If this is true, Ang asks, why has China nevertheless sustained 40 years of economic growth and deep transformation?

In fact, Ang argues, China is not as anomalous as it seems; its experience is strikingly similar to America’s Gilded Age during the 19^th century. Ang unbundles corruption into four different types that each harms the economy in a different way. Similar to America’s Gilded Age, reform-era China has steadily evolved toward a particular type of corruption: access money (elite exchanges of power and wealth). Simultaneously, beginning in the 2000s, the central government effectively curbed directly growth-damaging types of corruption such as embezzlement and bureaucratic extortion. Access money fueled commerce by rewarding politicians for aggressively promoting growth and connected capitalists for building more and taking on more risky ventures. But such corruption also produced systemic risks, distortions, and inequality—problems that define China's Gilded Age under Xi's leadership. As a result, China today is a high-growth but risky and imbalanced economy.

Despite popular perceptions that China and the United States are two polar opposites, Ang argues, contemporary China and 19th century America share more similarities than we normally think. Their divergent political systems, however, drove contrasting responses to the excesses of capitalism. Watch now: