Governance

FSI's research on the origins, character and consequences of government institutions spans continents and academic disciplines. The institute’s senior fellows and their colleagues across Stanford examine the principles of public administration and implementation. Their work focuses on how maternal health care is delivered in rural China, how public action can create wealth and eliminate poverty, and why U.S. immigration reform keeps stalling. 

FSI’s work includes comparative studies of how institutions help resolve policy and societal issues. Scholars aim to clearly define and make sense of the rule of law, examining how it is invoked and applied around the world. 

FSI researchers also investigate government services – trying to understand and measure how they work, whom they serve and how good they are. They assess energy services aimed at helping the poorest people around the world and explore public opinion on torture policies. The Children in Crisis project addresses how child health interventions interact with political reform. Specific research on governance, organizations and security capitalizes on FSI's longstanding interests and looks at how governance and organizational issues affect a nation’s ability to address security and international cooperation.

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Abstract:

In less than three decades, Taiwan has transformed from a repressive, authoritarian state into a vibrant democracy. Changes to the legal system, and particularly the criminal justice system, have played a central role in this story. Reform-minded politicians, lawyers, judges, prosecutors, and scholars have been crucial advocates for strengthening human rights protections, as has Taiwan’s Constitutional Court. Since the end of martial law, the Court has vigorously given heft to rights enshrined in the Republic of China’s constitution. Now that Taiwan has adopted the contents of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights as domestic law, it is an opportune moment to reflect on Taiwan’s journey towards embracing international human rights norms and to confront remaining challenges. The situation across the strait is markedly different. Today, Taiwan’s Constitutional Court has no counterpart on the Mainland and analogues to Taiwan’s former police-controlled punishments remain in full effect. As calls for reform on the Mainland become increasingly vocal, how might Taiwan’s experience inform efforts to increase human rights protections in the People’s Republic of China? 

Speaker Bio:

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Maggie Lewis joined Seton Hall Law School as an Associate Professor in 2009. She is a Term Member of the Council on Foreign Relations, a Public Intellectuals Program Fellow with the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, and an Affiliated Scholar of NYU School of Law’s U.S.-Asia Law Institute. Her recent publications have appeared in the Columbia Journal of Transnational Law, NYU Journal of International Law and Politics, Columbia Journal of Asian Law, and Virginia Journal of International Law. She is also the co-author of the book Challenge to China: How Taiwan Abolished Its Version of Re-Education Through Labor with Jerome A. Cohen. 

Most recently before joining Seton Hall, Professor Lewis served as a Senior Research Fellow at NYU School of Law’s U.S.-Asia Law Institute where she worked on criminal justice reforms in China. Following graduation from law school, she worked as an associate at the law firm of Cleary, Gottlieb, Steen & Hamilton in New York City. She then served as a law clerk for the Honorable M. Margaret McKeown of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit in San Diego. After clerking, she returned to NYU School of Law and was awarded a Furman Fellowship.

Professor Lewis received her J.D., magna cum laude, from NYU School of Law, where she was inducted into the Order of the Coif and was a member of Law Review. She received her B.A., summa cum laude, from Columbia University. In addition, she has studied at the Hopkins-Nanjing Center for Chinese and American Studies in Nanjing, China, and Bucerius Law School in Hamburg, Germany. 

Philippines Conference Room

Margaret Lewis Associate Professor Speaker Seton Hall Law School
Seminars

Encina Hall
Stanford University
Stanford, CA 94305

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Visiting Student Researcher, The Europe Center
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Ana Gonzalez is a doctoral candidate in International Law at the University Juan Carlos I in Madrid.  She is also the Academic Secretary of the Robert Schuman Institute for European Studies at the University Francisco de Vitoria in Madrid and also coordinates the Europe Office at this University.  She holds a LL.M from the Humboldt Universitaet zu Berlin, Germany in European and German Law, and a Master Degree in European Law from the Carlos III University, Madrid, Spain. She also has expertise on project building and execution around stable collaboration partnerships in European Projects.

Ana Gonzalez's main focus of research is on the European Neighbourhood Policy, Enlargement Policy, Strategic Partnerships and the future of these policies in the European Union. She works regularly with the Spanish Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defence to incorporate the study of these policies into Spanish academics and courses and seminars.

Ms. Gonzalez also works directly with the Research and Faculty Vice Dean at the University Francisco de Vitoria developing research and teaching innovation at the University.  She is in charge of the ERASMUS-Prof., and has participated in different conferences.

Between 2007 and 2009 she worked in different think tanks including the International Crisis Group in Brussels and INCIPE and the Spain-Russia Council in Madrid.

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Il Rae Cho"Preparing Financially for Aging and Retirement"

Recently, many issues related to aging have become more serious in both economic and social aspects all over the world.  Aging is something that nobody can avoid or neglect. However, most people tend to consider the issue of aging and retirement less serious than needed in real situations.  The lack of preparation for retirement may cause an economic turmoil to an individual's retirement life and national finance for social security.  In this presentation, Cho will show the current situations about aging and retirement and will offer practical solutions.

 

Yong Je Kim, "Next Generation Multimedia - What Will That Be?

Can you imagine the future TV and mobile phone?  What will they look like?

Only a few years ago, the main feature of a mobile phone was to make simple voice calls.  Today, we can do so much more - watch drama shows, sports and movies; take pictures and send them anywhere; and stay up-to-date checking the news and stock information of all countries in real time.  Through social media, we can share our opinion with many people regardless of location.  We can purchase goods or buy tickets for a concert simply using our mobile phones - without needing actual money or credit cards.  At the same time, TVs are getting smarter - providing useful functions like online shopping, remote video calls and watching movies without going to the movie theater. 

There are many technologies to enable these improvements, but the key technology is multimedia.  In this presentation, Kim will introduce some noticeable multimedia components and their progress, including examples of possible future TV and mobile phones. 

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Il Rae Cho Speaker
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Corporate Affiliate Visiting Fellow
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Yong Je Kim is a corporate affiliate visiting fellow at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (Shorenstein APARC) for 2013.  Kim has been working at Samsung Electronics for 28 years in the R&D Center.  His work has focused mainly in the area of multimedia signal processing for digital TV and mobile phones, serving most recently as the Senior Vice President of the multimedia R&D team.  Kim received his bachelor's degree in electronic engineering from Sogang University and his master's degree from Ajou University.

Yong Je Kim Speaker
Seminars
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CISAC's Nick Hansen and Jeffrey Lewis have revealed new satellite imagery that indicates North Korea is likely restarting is nuclear reactor at Yongbyon. Pyongyang committed to shut down the nuclear site in 2007.

Hansen and Lewis concluded in a story on the popular blog about North Korea, Jeff Lewis on BBC: North Korea's Yongbyon reactor 'nearing operation', that white steam seen from an electrical power building on Aug. 31 indicates that the electrical system is about to come online. Energy is generated from the heat released by the nuclear reactor, which uses steam to power turbines. 

Lewis spoke with the BBC, commenting that: "The reactor looks like it either is or will within a matter of days be fully operational, and as soon as that happens, it will start producing plutonium." He also added that this development could increase North Korea's bargaining power in negotiations, and add a sense of urgency to issues on the Korean peninsula.

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Satellite imagery from August 31, 2013 shows steam emanating from an electrical power building at Yongbyon.
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Abstract:
Can the introduction of the Internet undermine incumbent power in a semi-authoritarian regime? I examine this question using evidence from Malaysia, where the incumbent coalition lost its 40-year monopoly on power in 2008. I develop a novel methodology for measuring Internet penetration, matching IP addresses with physical locations, and apply it to the 2004 to 2008 period in Malaysia. Using distance to the backbone to instrument for endogenous Internet penetration, I find that areas with higher Internet penetration experience higher voter turnout and higher candidate turnover, with the Internet accounting for one-third of the 11% swing against the incumbent party in 2008. The results suggest that, in the absence of the Internet, the opposition would not have achieved its historic upset in the 2008 elections.
 

Luke Miner recently completed his PhD in economics from the London School of Economics. He was also a postdoctoral fellow at the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law in the Liberation Technology Program. He is currently working as a data scientist in the techology sector.

Miner’s research interests are political economy and development economics. In particular, he aims to quantitatively assess the effect of the Internet and new media on political accountability, development, and election outcomes. His past research finds a strong effect of Internet diffusion on results of Malaysia's 2008 elections, where it contributed to the ruling coalition's largest electoral setback in thirty years. His current research looks at the effect of the Internet on the 2008 U.S. presidential elections, in particular as a means of promoting campaign contributions.

Wallenberg Theater

Luke Miner Data Scientist Speaker
Seminars

Shorenstein APARC
Encina Hall E310
616 Serra Street
Stanford University
Stanford, CA 94305-6055

(650) 725-4237 (650) 723-6530
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2013-14 Pantech Fellow in Korean Studies
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Sunny Seong-hyon Lee, a journalist based in Beijing, China, is the 2013-14 Pantech Fellow in Korean Studies at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Reseach Center.

Dr. Lee has lived in China for 11 years, including as chief correspondent and later as director of China Research Center of the Korea Times. He served as an internal reviewer of the North Korean reports by the International Crisis Group (ICG) on multiple occasions. A fluent Chinese speaker and writer, he is a frequent commentator on China-Korea relations as well as on North Korea in Chinese newspapers and on TV. He has also appeared on CNN, Al Jazeera, and the Chinese state CCTV.

Dr. Lee taught at Salzburg Global Seminar, gave lectures to members of Harvard Kennedy School, the Confucius Institute, Seoul National University, Yonsei University, Korea University, Tsinghua University, Guo JI Guan Xi Xue Yuan, Korea Economic Institute, The Korea-China Future Forum, the Korea Journalists’ Association, and the Korea-China Leadership Program of the Korea Foundation for Advanced Studies.

Dr. Lee will use his Pantech Fellowship at Stanford to write a book manuscript on the latest China-Korea relations, especially since the death of North Korean leader Kim Jong-il. He will also engage Stanford audiences and members of the public through lectures and research meetings.

Dr. Lee received a bachelor’s degree from Grinnell College, a master’s degree from Harvard University and Beijing Foreign Studies University, and a PhD from Tsinghua University, where he completed his doctoral dissertation on North Korea, examining the media framing of North Korea by analyzing the journalist-source relationship. He is also a non-resident James A. Kelly Fellow at Pacific Forum CSIS, and a 2013 Korea Foundation-Salzburg Fellow.

Dr. Lee’s recent writings include:

“Firm Warning, Light Consequences: China’s DPRK Policy Upholds Status Quo” (The Jamestown Foundation)

http://www.jamestown.org/programs/chinabrief/single/?

“Will China's soft-power strategy on South Korea succeed?” (CSIS)

http://csis.org/publication/23-will-chinas-soft-power-strategy-south-korea-succeed

“Chinese Perspective on North Korea and Korean Unification” (The Korea Economic Institute in Washington DC)

http://www.keia.org/sites/default/files/publications/kei_onkorea_2013_sunny_seong-hyon_lee.pdf

“China’s North Korean Foreign Policy Decoded”  (Yale Global Online)

http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/content/chinas-north-korean-foreign-policy-decoded

“Why North Korea may muddle along” (Asia Times)

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Korea/NB28Dg02.html

 

Established in 2004, the Pantech Fellowship for Mid-Career Professionals, generously funded by Pantech Co., Ltd., and Curitel Communications, Inc. (known as the Pantech Group), is intended to cultivate a diverse international community of scholars and professionals committed to and capable of grappling with challenges posed by developments in Korea.

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This seminar is part of the "European Governance" program series.

The number of international courts/international tribunals has burgeoned in the past two decades, with the continued proliferation of international agreements and the growing importance of globalization for the world economy.  Do these courts matter?  We develop a theory of how an international court lacking any power to enforce its rulings can promote compliance among the member governments and enhance the performance of international agreements. We argue that the adjudication process can cause governments to comply with adverse rulings because it facilitates enforcement of the agreement by the other member states.  This argument implies two empirical predictions that we examine in the European Union using an original dataset of rulings of the European Court of Justice from 1960-1999. We show that ECJ rulings are sensitive to the enforcement concerns identified by our theory. Further, we show that ECJ rulings designed to liberalized trade (a key goal of the EU) are only effective when the adjudication process reveals that noncompliance will be punished by third-party governments.

Matthew Gabel is Professor of Political Science at Washington University in St. Louis. He has a Ph.D. from the University of Rochester and and M.A. from the College of Europe (Bruges).  He is the associate editor of the journal European Union Politics.  His research has examined a variety of topics of international political economy and comparative political economy in Europe, particularly in the context of European integration.  This includes public support for European integration, judicial politics at European Court of Justice, and the legislative politics in the European Parliament. Separately, he also collaborates with Neurologists and Psychiatrists on the diagnosis of Alzheimer's Disease.

 

CISAC Conference Room

Matthew Gabel Professor of Political Science Speaker Washington University in St. Louis
Seminars
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The process of joining an IO may cause liberalization before membership. Thus studies that only evaluate compliance after membership underestimate the effects. Conditional membership may be one of the most important sources of leverage for IOs.  The rule-makers establish rules that don't go far beyond what they would otherwise do, but rule-takers often must accept a broad range of policy reforms they would not otherwise consider. The influence of accession conditions has been studied in the context of EU and NATO, where sizeable benefits and formal conditions motivate major concessions by applicants. This paper proposes to examine a much less powerful organization, the OECD. Here the qualifications for membership are ambiguous and leave open room for informal pressure for a range of economic reforms. The politics of joining organizations touch closely on concerns about status and legitimacy as well as functional demands for cooperation in complex issue areas. I will examine how OECD membership has motivated specific reforms in regulatory policies and trade in a comparison of the East European transition economies accession with that of Japan, Mexico, and Korea. Statistical analysis of patterns of when countries apply for membership will test for the role of economic and political conditions as well as the political relations among members.

Christina Davis is a professor at the Department of Politics and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs of Princeton University. Her teaching and research interests bridge international relations and comparative politics, with a focus on trade policy. Professor Davis' interests include the politics and foreign policy of Japan, East Asia, and the European Union and the study of international organizations. She is the author of Food Fights Over Free Trade: How International Institutions Promote Agricultural Trade Liberalization (Princeton University Press, 2003) and Why Adjudicate? Enforcing Trade Rules in the WTO (Princeton University Press, 2012).
 
This seminar is part of TEC's "Europe and the Global Economy" program seminar series.

CISAC Conference Room

Christina Davis Professor of Politics and International Affairs Speaker Princeton University
Seminars

Shorenstein APARC
Encina Hall C331
616 Serra Street
Stanford, CA 94304-6055

(650) 724-9747 (650) 723-6530
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Shorenstein Postdoctoral Fellow in Contemporary Asia
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Michael Furchtgott is an economist interested in corporate finance and governance. His current research investigates Japanese corporate restructurings and the behavior of firms and lenders when financial distress arises.

Furchtgott has completed his PhD in economics at the University of California, San Diego, where his research on corporate financial restatements has demonstrated that firms frequently circumvent laws designed to protect investors.

He holds a BA in economics and mathematics from Columbia University.

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Millions of Americans who need to buy health insurance are eligible for federal subsidies. But the government may have underfunded the expense by billions of dollars, according to Stanford researchers.

In a recent article published in Health Affairs, the researchers expose the remarkable control employers will soon have on federal revenue. Employers will soon decide whether to continue providing health insurance to their employees, cut their coverage or increase premiums that workers pay. 

These choices will in part determine whether it will be financially beneficial for workers to buy insurance through the government’s new health insurance exchanges, rather than be insured through their employers.  And such decisions could change government expenditures by billions of dollars– a potential spending increase that the federal government has likely not accounted for.

"There’s going to be a lot more federal money required for insurance subsidies than people are ready for," said Jay Bhattacharya, an associate professor of medicine at Stanford and a core faculty member of Stanford Health Policy, a center at the university’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. Bhattacharya co-authored the study with medical students Daniel Austin, Anna Luan and Louise Wang from Stanford.

Because a lot of employers and employees are going to realize that employer-provided coverage isn’t worth it – that it makes more economic sense for their employees to get health insurance through the exchanges,” Bhattacharya said.

As of Oct. 1, millions of Americans began receiving federal subsidies to buy health insurance under the Affordable Care Act. People are eligible for a subsidy if they earn between 133 and 400 percent of the poverty level. For individuals, that’s between $14,404 and $43,320. And for a family of four, the range is between $29,326 and $88,200. The subsidies from the government amount to $9,247 for a family of four living on $56,604 a year.

The new health care law assumes that workers who already have affordable insurance through their employers will not use the exchanges, though no mechanism is in place to check that a person using a subsidy isn’t already insured. And while there is a penalty – about $3,000 per employee after the first 50 employees – to  large employers who stop offering health insurance, it is often cheaper for an organization to pay the fine. Providing insurance to cover an employee’s family could cost a business $16,000 or more to cover an employee’s family.

Bhattacharya was interested in understanding the financial implications for the federal government should an employer decide to keep or end its health insurance coverage for employees eligible for subsidies. So he and his colleagues modeled how much the federal government would have to provide in subsidies if an employer stopped providing health insurance to workers, and those employees then used the federal subsidies to buy themselves insurance on the exchanges.  

“These decisions that employers are making about whether or not to provide their employees health insurance has a huge effect on federal government spending,” Bhattacharya said.  

According to the researchers’ calculations, if everyone who would benefit financially from receiving health insurance through the exchanges rather than from their employer chose to buy insurance on the exchanges, the federal government would be on the hook for $132 billion per year to pay for the subsidized insurance.  While not everyone who benefits financially from dropping employer-based coverage will do so, Bhattacharya estimates that federal costs would climb by nearly $7 billion if employers raise health insurance premiums by even just $100 because it would induce millions of employees to switch to exchange-based coverage.

In many instances, Bhattacharya pointed out, companies can still ensure their employees have benefits and make more money by cutting their workers’ health insurance if they’re eligible for subsidies, paying their employees a slightly higher salary and encouraging them to receive the federal subsidies and buy their own policies. But doing so puts a heavier financial burden on the government.

On the flip side, if more employers decide to offer health insurance – perhaps wanting to avoid the small penalty or because of the appearance of not offering a basic benefit – the government could end up spending a lot less on subsidies. But Bhattacharya expects that is unlikely.

The study used data from the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey Household Component – a national survey of household health care use, insurance status, and health expenses, as well as demographic and socioeconomic information – to construct a model.  The model revealed that as employees’ health insurance contributions rise (when their insurance is provided by an employer), employees are increasingly enticed to drop their employer coverage and buy insurance through the exchange. Among workers who qualify for a subsidy and see an increase of $100 in their employer-based premium contribution levels, 2.25 million individuals would choose to instead buy insurance on the exchanges – increasing federal spending for subsidies by $6.7 billion.

“In the model we assume that if there’s a $1 benefit, employees will drop their employer-sponsored coverage. In reality there’s a lot of inertia and you most likely won’t get that $1 increase,” Bhattacharya said. “On the other hand, in the medium run, employers might say ‘employees will benefit if I drop coverage. I can raise their wages, and they’ll get better coverage on the exchanges.’”

Teal Pennebaker is a Washgington, D.C.-based freelance writer and former information editor and external relations coorinator at Stanford Health Policy.

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President Barack Obama signs the health insurance reform bill on March 23, 2010.
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