International Relations

FSI researchers strive to understand how countries relate to one another, and what policies are needed to achieve global stability and prosperity. International relations experts focus on the challenging U.S.-Russian relationship, the alliance between the U.S. and Japan and the limitations of America’s counterinsurgency strategy in Afghanistan.

Foreign aid is also examined by scholars trying to understand whether money earmarked for health improvements reaches those who need it most. And FSI’s Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center has published on the need for strong South Korean leadership in dealing with its northern neighbor.

FSI researchers also look at the citizens who drive international relations, studying the effects of migration and how borders shape people’s lives. Meanwhile FSI students are very much involved in this area, working with the United Nations in Ethiopia to rethink refugee communities.

Trade is also a key component of international relations, with FSI approaching the topic from a slew of angles and states. The economy of trade is rife for study, with an APARC event on the implications of more open trade policies in Japan, and FSI researchers making sense of who would benefit from a free trade zone between the European Union and the United States.

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Nora Sulots
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The Fisher Family Summer Fellows on Democracy and Development Program at Stanford University's Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law is now accepting applications for our summer 2027 program, which will run from Sunday, July 18, to Friday, August 6, 2027. The deadline to apply is 11:59 pm PST on Tuesday, January 12, 2027.

The program brings together an annual cohort of approximately 30 mid-career practitioners from countries in political transition who are working to advance democratic practices and enact economic and legal reform to promote human development. Launched by CDDRL in 2005, the program was previously known as the Draper Hills Summer Fellows Program. The new name reflects an endowment gift from the Fisher family — Sakurako (Sako), ‘82, and William (Bill), MBA ‘84 — that secures the future of this important and impactful program.

From Afghanistan to Zimbabwe, we select our program participants from among hundreds of applicants each year for the significant contributions they have already made to their communities and their potential to make an even greater impact with some help from Stanford. We aim to give them the opportunity to join a global network of over 500 alumni from 96 countries who have all faced similar sets of challenges in bringing change to their countries.

The Fisher Family Summer Fellows Program provides an intensive 3-week on-campus forum for civil society leaders to exchange experiences and receive academic and policy training to enrich their knowledge and advance their work. Delivered by a leading Stanford faculty team composed of Michael McFaul, Kathryn Stoner, Francis Fukuyama, Larry Diamond, Erik Jensen, and more, the program allows emerging and established global leaders to explore new institutional models and frameworks to enhance their ability to promote good governance, accountable politics, and find new ways to achieve economic development in their home countries.

Prospective fellows from Ukraine are also invited to apply for our Strengthening Ukrainian Democracy and Development (SU-DD) Program, which runs concurrently with the Fisher Family Summer Fellows Program. The SU-DD program provides a unique opportunity for mid-career practitioners working on well-defined projects aimed at strengthening Ukrainian democracy, enhancing human development, and promoting good governance. Applicants to the SU-DD program will use the Fisher Family Summer Fellows Program application portal to apply and indicate their interest there. You will then be directed to a series of supplemental questions specific to the SU-DD program, including requiring a detailed description of your proposed project.

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2026 Fisher Family Summer Fellows
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Spotlight on the 2026 Summer Fellows

The Fellow Spotlight Series is an inspiring and moving series of "TED"-style talks given by each of our 2026 Fisher Family Summer Fellows to share their backstories and discuss their work.
Spotlight on the 2026 Summer Fellows
2026 Fisher Family Summer Fellows
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Announcing the 2026 Class of the Fisher Family Summer Fellows on Democracy and Development Program

In July 2026, the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law will welcome a diverse cohort of 26 experienced practitioners from 19 countries who are working to advance democratic practices and economic and legal reform in contexts where freedom, human development, and good governance are fragile or at risk.
Announcing the 2026 Class of the Fisher Family Summer Fellows on Democracy and Development Program
People arrive to pay tribute at Maidan Square, where thousands of memorial flags are on display as a reminder of the toll of the war on February 24, 2025, in Kyiv, Ukraine.
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Four Years After the Invasion, Ukrainian Leaders Build Foundations for Recovery

From parliament to regional government to independent media, alumni of the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law’s Strengthening Ukrainian Democracy and Development Program are implementing reform initiatives under wartime conditions.
Four Years After the Invasion, Ukrainian Leaders Build Foundations for Recovery
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Francis Fukuyama looks on as a group of fellows works through a case study. | Emin Huseynov
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The program will run from Sunday, July 18, to Friday, August 6, 2027. Applications are due by 11:59 pm PST on Tuesday, January 12, 2027.

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Francis Fukuyama looks on as a group of fellows works through a case study.
Caption Francis Fukuyama looks on as a group of fellows works through a case study. | Photo credit Emin Huseynov
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LeonidGozmanSeminar11.18.26

Neither Vladimir Putin nor the war in Ukraine will last forever. What political order is likely to follow, and what would it mean for Russia, Ukraine and the West?

Leonid Gozman, a longtime Russian opposition politician and political psychologist, will examine the scenarios that may unfold. A Ukrainian defeat, he argues, would likely produce a new war almost immediately. The end of Putin’s rule poses its own risks, and the transition could prove more dangerous than the present. Yet Gozman contends that a post-Putin Russia would probably be better for its citizens and the international community, even if members of Putin’s circle remain in power.

That transition, he suggests, may open a narrow window for Russia to resume a path of normal political and economic development. This discussion will consider what such a path would require, what forces could close it, and what role domestic actors and Western governments might play in shaping the outcome.

The event will be moderated by Kathryn Stoner, Mosbacher Director of the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law and Satre Family Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. Stanford affiliates are invited to attend in person, and all others may join online via Zoom; registration is required.

ABOUT THE SPEAKER

Leonid Gozman was the former president of the Union of Right Forces and former co-chairman of the Right Cause Party (2008–2011). From 2008 to 2013, he served as director of humanitarian projects at RUSNANO, a state-owned enterprise that commercializes innovations in nanotechnology, and from 1999 to 2008, he was executive board member and representative for governmental and NGO relations at Unified Energy System of Russia (RAO UES). An active participant in Russia’s democratic movement who has served as political advisor to Anatoly Chubais and Yegor Gaidar, he is also the author of eight books and is a lecturer at Moscow State University. He was previously a fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Center, and professor of psychology and Russian area studies at Dickinson College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and was a visiting fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy in Washington, DC.

Kathryn Stoner
Kathryn Stoner

Only those with an active Stanford ID and access to the William J. Perry Conference Room in Encina Hall may attend in person. Others may attend virtually, via Zoom.

Registration required.

Leonid Gozman
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Special Seminar with Leonid Gozman

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The weather is cooling down at the Farm, but the new cohort of students in the Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy (MIP) is warmed up and ready to move full steam ahead in their studies.

The MIP Class of 2028 is 33 students strong, the largest cohort to date in the program's history. They represent 19 countries and regions including Argentina, Belarus, Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Georgia, Germany, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Mexico, Panama, the Philippines, Poland, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, Sweden, Turkey, and the United States, and are coming to us from backgrounds in civil service, government, military, industry, and academia.

The MIP program is structured broadly around four areas of specialization: Cyber Policy and Security (CYBER); Energy, Natural Resources, and the Environment (ENRE); Governance and Development (GOVDEV); and International Security (ISEC). Beyond that, students are encouraged to personalize their learning and coursework to their unique goals and interests and pursue interdisciplinary projects with scholars from across Stanford's campus. The culmination of their studies comes in the Policy Change Studio, a unique capstone project designed to give them practical experience with policymaking through in-the-field research and direct collaboration on projects with partner organizations all over the world.

Keep reading to meet five of our new students, learn more about their interests, and hear what excites them about being in the MIP program at Stanford.
 


Headshot of MIP student Donna Lee

Donna Lee | Cyber Policy and Security  

Gwacheon, Republic of Korea
Fun Facts: Published poet and a lover of wombats



When I was growing up, my grandfather told me stories about what it was like to be an evacuee who moved from the northern part of Korea to the south during the Korean War. His desire to live in a more democratic place changed not only his life, but also the lives of my mother and me. His experiences taught me how important democracy is, and why each citizen needs to do their part to support and protect it. My decision to work in public service comes directly from my desire to give back to the society that has given my family so much. 

Through my previous work as a diplomat in Korea, I’ve already had the opportunity to work on issues relating to human rights, culture diplomacy, Indo-Pacific strategy, and even Korea-U.S. defense cooperation. What I’ve seen is that emerging technologies are becoming core to all other aspects of international issues and policies. I want to do my best to help Korea set feasible, forward looking policies, and being here at Stanford is a rare opportunity to gain very hands-on, direct experience with these kinds of technological issues. Not only is the policy expertise here very rigorous because of how close everything is to Silicon Valley, but Stanford is also very interdisciplinary, which is an important aspect of understanding how all of these issues are connected to each other.  

With my prior experience, I am particularly interested in exploring further how AI is changing the global security landscape, and what these changes mean for the Korea-U.S. Alliance. When I worked in the Korea-U.S. Security Cooperation Division, I had the chance to learn from our military personnel about rapidly evolving defense technologies that we would not have been able to imagine even a decade ago, but are going to be a major part of future conflicts. I’m eager to take the quantitative skills and perspectives from experts that I learn here in the MIP program and apply those towards making it easier for Korea to be a stronger partner in developing, using, and coordinating with its ally and partners on these technologies and security areas.
 


Headshot of Serena Nanji-Totan

Serena Nanji-Totani | Energy, Natural Resources, and the Environment  

Tokyo, Japan and Nairobi, Kenya
Fun Facts: Lifelong globetrotter and international mountaineer 



Growing up, I was fortunate to live in several countries across Asia, Africa, and Europe. Everywhere we moved, I noticed similar patterns of inequality, where some regions are bloated with resources while others struggled to meet basic needs. As extreme weather and concerns about global warming became more common, I became increasingly concerned about how a changing climate will further widen these disparities. These early experiences inspired me to focus on climate mitigation and social equality, driven by an urgent question: How do we solve the climate crisis without leaving the most vulnerable behind?

My career has combined business, climate mitigation, and social impact. I spent several years in management consulting, mainly working on projects with multilateral development banks and corporate social responsibility. After that, I moved into the carbon credits market, helping to finance carbon removal projects around the world, including both engineered and nature-based solutions. Most recently, I worked at Conservation International, an NGO, where I focused on nature financing. There, I helped fund and structure forestry projects globally to sequester carbon, improve ecosystem health and biodiversity, and most importantly, prioritize local communities through payments for ecosystem services and co-benefits.

Working in the nature financing space taught me that there is a way to align financial incentives to protect and restore nature, while also benefiting people. Throughout my career, I have often wondered how we can measure the value of ecosystems and the benefits they provide in a way that encourages private sector investment. How do we get companies, investors, and policymakers to care?

But I have also grown to learn that financial tools alone are not enough without strong governance. We need well-designed policies and regulations to attract investment in solutions that help both people and the climate. That is why I came to Stanford MIP. I want to deepen my understanding of international frameworks and policies for addressing climate change fairly and inclusively. I am also eager to explore how Stanford’s innovative, entrepreneurial spirit can be applied to nature-based solutions. I believe working with nature offers a path forward for adaptation, resilience, and climate change mitigation while supporting people’s livelihoods. Nature can be just as innovative and disruptive as other climate solutions and deserves more attention. I am incredibly excited to dive into these topics more alongside my talented peers in the program! 
 


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Danny Vegel | Energy, Natural Resources, and the Environment  

Chagrin Falls, Ohio, U.S.A.
Fun Facts: Underwater photographer and aspiring cold-water surfer



I’m coming to MIP after nine years in the Navy as a nuclear submarine officer. Although I started my career as an engineer, I first developed an interest in international policy after receiving the opportunity to study international relations at Peking University and the London School of Economics. Being in China in particular sparked my interest in achieving a deeper understanding of international relations. From an outside perspective, it’s easy to talk about China as this monolithic competitor to the U.S., but to truly understand its role in global affairs, there is much to be appreciated about its complexities as a vast and dynamic country.

When my time in China came to an end, I left with a meaningful desire to better understand those complexities to inform policy. Moreover, during my last assignment before transitioning out of the Navy, I had the chance to work with many different governments in the East Asia region, and saw an even broader need and opportunity to work across governments to try and solve problems for the future.

When I ultimately was deciding what to do in my post-Navy career, MIP felt like the perfect place to work through that transition, build expertise, and create a new career exploring my interests in international policy. The emphasis this program has on implementation is also something that appealed to me. In the Navy, I learned that while it was always easy to come up with ideas, putting them into practice is much more difficult. With my background in nuclear engineering and international experience, I want to now learn how to implement energy policy that addresses growing energy needs in the face of climate change.

When you’re posted on a submarine, you’re privileged to work with and befriend some of the best and most driven sailors in the Navy. I already feel the same connection with this MIP cohort. Everyone here brings the strengths of their backgrounds together, and the size of the class makes it so you can really work with and learn from each other. In the next two years, I’m excited to get up to speed on international energy dynamics, embrace the policymaking framework, and get hands-on experience, so that wherever I land next, whether that’s in government or in the private sector, I'm able to work confidently and effectively to scale sustainable energy to meet global needs.
 


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Mariana Rozo Paz | Cyber Policy and Security  

Bogotá, Colombia
Fun Facts: Budding musical theater actor and future Donna in Mamma Mia



I'm from Colombia. I was profoundly blessed to grow up in a very loving home, but in the broader country, there was a great deal of unrest and uncertainty. I was sixteen when there was a vote on a peace deal with the FARC armed group. I was not old enough to vote, but all of my classmates and peers were so invested and hopeful that it would be adopted. It was a shock when the agreement was rejected. That became the impetus for me to become a lawyer and work on issues around human rights and the rule of law.

It was while I was in law school that I started working with a professor who was researching the impact of algorithms. I became obsessed with understanding more about how these platforms are shaping our economies, politics, and society. During the peace negotiations, I had seen how misinformation and media had contributed to the outcome, so I understood the power data could have for division and confusion. What I want to do is unlock how we can use these capabilities to improve people’s lives and make the world more equitable and inclusive.

My family, and particularly my parents and grandparents, were always reaching out to help people. Even though they have lived through very difficult things, they have always been grounded in hope and optimism. I’m trying to bring their legacy and mindset into my work. It’s true that the world is very complex and that many of the systems we’ve had in global governance and regulation are not keeping pace with how quickly the world is changing. It’s true that much of the technology being developed right now could be extremely disruptive. But we can’t let ourselves be scared of it all or retreat from it. We have to reach out and open space for those hard conversations. We have to keep having hope and optimism like my grandparents taught me. 

As a dear mentor of mine used to say, citing Antoine de Saint Exupéry, “There is no greater mission for humans than uniting humans.” Technology and digital spaces have been dividing us. Now it’s time to find ways for digital technologies to bring us together. That’s going to require new regulations, new tools, new voices, new organizations, and a willingness from governments, companies, philanthropies, and societies to try new things together. I am convinced that we can find ways to responsibly unlock the value of these technologies in a way that benefits everyone. Having the opportunity to be a Stanford and meet people who care as deeply about these things as I do is an incredible gift I’m grateful to unwrap and use fully. 
 


Headshot of Jonas Lindholm-Uzzi

Jonas Lindholm-Uzzi | Governance and Development  

Germantown, New York, U.S.A.
Fun Facts: Transatlantic sailor and devoted New York Jets fan



I grew up in a small town in upstate New York. By the time I was done with college and working my first job as a paralegal at the Department of Justice, I knew a couple of things:  I liked political science and political theory, and I definitely did not want to become a lawyer like I had initially thought. So I joined the Peace Corps to give myself some space to think and experience more of the world firsthand without filters.

I was deployed to Zambia to help lead a fish farming project in a rural village. It was a difficult but extremely eye opening two years. When my time in the Peace Corps was up, I applied for and was awarded a Fulbright Scholarship to go and teach English in Timor Leste in Southeast Asia. In both Zambia and Timor, what stuck with me was how bound people’s lives were by the circumstances they were born into. There were talented, gifted people in every community I lived and worked in, but the systems were not set up to help them succeed or step beyond where they already are. Whether it’s from corruption, mismanagement, or inadequate funding, there’s a shocking dearth of functional and responsive institutions in the developing world that can or will serve its citizens well.

Addressing this lack of institutional development is complex and multifaceted, and it’s not going to look the same or follow the same playbook in every single circumstance. We need to be more precise and smarter in how we plan and implement. We need to build in more accountability and feedback. We need to be much more attentive to local culture and politics and listen to the people who actually live in these communities.

I’ve been fortunate to live and work with some of those people and to be part of their lives, hard as they are. But I also had the privilege of being able to leave and go back to a country where the systems work and institutions mean something, and I’m incredibly privileged to make the choices I want about the kind of life I would like to live. I don’t take that for granted. But I also don’t want the people I’ve met and the friends I’ve made abroad to feel apathetic about their futures. The more agency we can give people, the better.

Here at Stanford, there’s such a wealth of expertise in so many areas. There’s access to technological industries, there’s amazing things happening with robotics and engineering. Some of the best scholars are here, whether that’s in history or political science, or economics. All of that is transformative, and all of it has a part to play in shaping policy and practices. I’m excited to be here and soak as much of that up as I can.
 


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MIP Student Tyler smith posing in a suit and graduation hood in front of a Stanford building recognizable by its arches
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MIP Student Feature: Tyler Smith

Tyler Smith (‘26) came to the Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy (MIP) as a Rangel Fellow with a clear and persistent question in mind: how does technology shape society, and who gets a voice in that future? Coming straight from Howard University, the D.C. area native specialized in Cyber Policy and Security. This summer, he is heading to Nairobi to work on digital infrastructure development, a natural next step in his journey to understand how emerging markets navigate AI sovereignty in an increasingly connected world.
MIP Student Feature: Tyler Smith
A collage of six photos showing students from the 2026 Class of the Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy doing fieldwork around the world for their capstone projects.
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Stanford FSI Graduate Students Tackle Global Policy Challenges Through Hands-on Fieldwork

Students in the Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy program traveled across the globe to work on policy projects addressing AI safety, climate change, public trust in local government, and more.
Stanford FSI Graduate Students Tackle Global Policy Challenges Through Hands-on Fieldwork
Image of Humzah Khan in a brown jacket, posing in front of the Grand Canyon
Blogs

MIP Student Feature: Humzah Khan

Humzah Khan's ('26) path to the Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy (MIP) began after experiences in health security and Middle East studies, but his two years at Stanford have taken him in directions he never imagined. The graduating student from South Brunswick, New Jersey, who specialized in Cyber Policy and Security, will join the Starlink policy team at SpaceX, a career pivot that perfectly embodies MIP's emphasis on adaptable problem-solving skills.
MIP Student Feature: Humzah Khan
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The Class of 2028 of the Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy. | Rod Searcey
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The Class of 2028, the largest incoming cohort to date in the program, joins the Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy from 19 countries and regions from around the world.

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Amid the fifth year of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, two leaders from the Kyiv School of Economics (KSE) brought a view from the ground to Stanford on October 14. Dr. Alexandra Vacroux and Yevhenii Malik spoke in a discussion moderated by Kathryn Stoner, the Mosbacher Director of the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) and the Satre Family Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI).

Dr. Vacroux is KSE’s vice president for strategic engagement and a longtime scholar of Russia. Malik, a former Marine infantry sergeant, fought in the 2022 battle for Mariupol and spent nearly two and a half years as a prisoner of war in Russian captivity before being released in a prisoner exchange in 2024. He now leads undergraduate national security and defense programs at KSE.

The talk came days after the U.S. president announced plans to buy Russian diesel. The speakers also reworked their presentation following that morning’s news, which Vacroux described as a cutoff of Starlink and Starshield service for Ukrainian forces.

Running through the conversation was a larger point: Ukraine is fighting a different kind of war, one in which inexpensive drones and robots do work that once took soldiers and costly weapons, and the lessons reach well beyond Ukraine.

A Campaign to Make Kyiv Unlivable


Vacroux said Russia has spent the months since August trying to make Kyiv unlivable, hoping residents will leave and Ukraine will surrender. Drones struck the city’s northern and southern bridges within four days of each other earlier this month. The day before the event, 39 ballistic missiles and 120 drones hit the capital, and most of the missiles were aimed at power stations and substations. Since August, she said, air alerts have been almost constant, to the degree that Ukrainians ignore them, and many KSE classes now meet in the basement. Vacroux pointed to the London Blitz and said research on how wars end gives little reason to expect this approach to work.

[T]he protocol is within 7 minutes of the air raid, everyone is down, the PowerPoint slides are up, and the lecture is continuing. But of course, when you have a continual air raid, you just hold all of your classes in the basement.
Dr. Alexandra Vacroux
Vice President for Strategic Engagement, Kyiv School of Economics

A Front Line Frozen by Drones


Malik said the front line has barely moved in nearly five years. Drones have extended the “kill zone” to as much as 50 miles, and Ukraine is turning to unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs) that commanders believe could replace up to 60% of frontline infantry. By his estimate, Ukraine needs about 500,000 a year and currently produces roughly 20,000. Each of Ukraine’s more than 100 combat brigades now has an unmanned battalion, he said, and those units account for about 80% of Russian casualties.

No one will cry because a UGV was destroyed.
Yevhenii Malik
Head of National Defence and Security Educational Programs, Kyiv School of Economics

Cheaper Weapons, Changing Math


Cost is central to that shift. Malik said a Shahed-type attack drone costs between $50,000 and $150,000, while a fighter jet starts around $15 million and a Patriot missile can cost up to $4 million, which makes conventional air defense unsustainable against mass drone attacks. Ukraine answered with its own interceptor drones, he said, and builds a drone-missile hybrid called Flamingo at an unofficial cost of about $600,000, compared with $1.5 million or more for a Tomahawk. A high-intensity war, he argued, is won with cheap systems that can be made in large numbers, not with a few hundred advanced aircraft, and Ukraine’s private defense firms are finding new battlefield uses for the technology nearly every month.

The constraint, both speakers said, is money more than ingenuity. Ukraine spends about 40% of its GDP on defense, compared with roughly 10% in Russia, and 3.5% in the U.S. Vacroux urged Europe to disburse a promised €90 billion loan faster and to resolve the impasse over frozen Russian assets.

A War the World Is Watching


The speakers noted that Ukraine’s rivals are studying the war more closely than its partners. Malik said North Korea has supplied ballistic missiles and soldiers to Russia, and Vacroux said the country is bringing that experience home for a possible fight with South Korea. China, she said, is doing the same as it thinks about Taiwan. The Americans and Europeans, by contrast, are mostly not gaining firsthand experience, and cutting off Ukrainian partnerships cuts off the chance to learn without sending their own troops into that kind of war. Malik predicted that U.S. forces will soon face jet-powered Shaheds in the Middle East, and said neither the United States nor Europe has an affordable way to stop them at scale.

Pressure on Russia, and on Europe


Vacroux said sanctions and Ukrainian strikes on refineries are straining Russia’s economy, though economic pressure alone is “necessary but not sufficient” to end the war. She also described a rise in Russian sub-threshold attacks on Europe, including cyberattacks, arson and drone incursions, which she said test the credibility of NATO’s Article 5.

Peace Talks, Nuclear Threats, and the Will to Keep Fighting


When asked about negotiations, Malik was blunt. “Negotiations are one very big myth,” he said. Vacroux noted that some channels still produce prisoner exchanges. Both viewed Russian nuclear threats as deterrence more than intent. Vacroux said about three-quarters of Ukrainians want elections to wait until the war ends, and 62% say they will keep fighting “as long as it takes.” Malik expected another wave of residents to leave Kyiv this winter.

Vacroux closed by sharing her belief that Ukraine’s only dependable security guarantee is the one it builds itself. “It cannot rely on the United States. It cannot rely on companies like Starlink. It cannot rely on the Europeans.”

View a full recording of the conversation:

*This article was supported by research using Claude. All outputs were reviewed by humans, and the final expression was produced by the author.

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Ukrainian leaders worried for the country's future four years after Russia's initial invasion
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“We will not give up”: Ukrainian leaders mark four years of resistance against Russian invasion

Addressing the Bechtel Conference Center, leaders rejected the prospect of territorial concessions, saying that Ukrainians “will not give up” on their country.
“We will not give up”: Ukrainian leaders mark four years of resistance against Russian invasion
People arrive to pay tribute at Maidan Square, where thousands of memorial flags are on display as a reminder of the toll of the war on February 24, 2025, in Kyiv, Ukraine.
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Four Years After the Invasion, Ukrainian Leaders Build Foundations for Recovery

From parliament to regional government to independent media, alumni of the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law’s Strengthening Ukrainian Democracy and Development Program are implementing reform initiatives under wartime conditions.
Four Years After the Invasion, Ukrainian Leaders Build Foundations for Recovery
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Residents walk through debris in a courtyard following a Russian missile strike on August 20, 2026, in Kyiv, Ukraine.
KYIV, UKRAINE - AUGUST 20: Residents walk through debris in a courtyard following a Russian missile strike on August 20, 2026, in Kyiv, Ukraine. Apartment blocks and warehouses were hit across the city overnight following a large barrage of missiles, with a children's hospital and school also damaged. | Diego Fedele/Getty Images
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Alexandra Vacroux and Yevhenii Malik of the Kyiv School of Economics said Russia’s strikes on Kyiv are escalating while cheap drones and robots hold the front line in place, a shift in warfare that Ukraine’s rivals are studying closely.

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  • Ukraine is pioneering a new kind of warfare in which cheap drones and unmanned ground vehicles hold the front line in place and replace soldiers, Malik said, though funding limits how fast Ukraine can scale them.
  • Vacroux said Ukraine’s rivals, including North Korea and China, are learning from the war while the U.S. and Europe are not.
  • Russia has intensified strikes on Kyiv since August to make the city unlivable, and Vacroux said Ukraine can rely only on the security guarantee it builds itself.
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On October 8, 2026, Aleksandar Matovski presented at a Rethinking European Development and Security (REDS) seminar, co-sponsored by the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) and The Europe Center (TEC), on Russia’s nuclear escalation and restraint during the war in Ukraine. The central puzzle he sought to explain was why the severity of an external shock does not necessarily correspond to the timing or intensity of Russia’s response. Moscow has repeatedly resorted to nuclear threats and provocative signaling. Yet, at other times, it has absorbed substantial military setbacks without responding with comparable ferocity. The question, therefore, is what explains this variation in restraint and escalation.

Matovski identified three broad explanations in the existing literature. The first concerns external constraints, including backlash from Russia’s remaining partners, the limited battlefield utility of nuclear weapons, and the danger of confrontation with NATO. However, these factors primarily explain restraint rather than escalation. The second concerns credibility decay, whereby repeated threats without follow-through undermine credibility and encourage riskier behavior to restore it. The third concerns domestic political influences, including hardliner pressure, regime survival threats, and risk-averse elites and citizens. Interestingly, domestic politics can generate both escalation and restraint. The question is which pressures matter, when, and how they interact with external constraints.

Matovski consequently proposed his pressure cooker framework, based on three premises. First, Putin needs a “forever war” to maintain political control. Continued confrontation allows the regime to mobilize nationalism, justify repression, and redirect dissatisfaction toward foreign adversaries. Second, military failure does not necessarily imply domestic political failure. Much depends on how the Kremlin frames setbacks and manages their political consequences. Third, nuclear coercion is essential to sustaining the war. It discourages Western intervention and reinforces the domestic narrative that Russia cannot ultimately be defeated.

The mechanism begins with an external shock, followed by initial restraint and the gradual accumulation of political pressure. Initially, restraint may be advantageous because escalation can publicly acknowledge military failure, alarm risk-averse citizens, and create further external risks. The Kremlin can also temporarily defer the political costs of inaction by controlling the narrative. However, as setbacks accumulate, hardliners increasingly interpret restraint as weakness. Meanwhile, the wider public may question the war’s sustainability. Repeated unenforced threats also undermine Russia’s credibility and may encourage adversaries to test its limits. Eventually, the political costs of restraint may outweigh those of escalation, prompting more dramatic action.

Matovski illustrated this through the 2022 mobilization and nuclear scare. Despite the failure of Russia’s initial invasion, Putin initially avoided large-scale mobilization. However, following further setbacks, particularly Ukraine’s Kharkiv counteroffensive in September, domestic pressures arguably intensified. Putin subsequently announced partial mobilization and the purported annexation of four Ukrainian regions. Russia also intensified nuclear threats. In October, Moscow made allegations concerning a potential Ukrainian “dirty bomb,” amid heightened fears of nuclear escalation. Yet Russia subsequently withdrew from Kherson in November without nuclear retaliation. Matovski interpreted this sequence as consistent with his argument that escalation follows accumulated pressures rather than necessarily responding immediately to individual setbacks.

The central implication is that Russian restraint and escalation may represent different phases of the same political process. Apparent restraint may therefore be unstable, making subsequent escalation difficult to anticipate.

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Aleksandar Matovski’s “pressure cooker” framework explains why Russia absorbs some military setbacks quietly yet responds to others with nuclear threats and mobilization.

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In Brief
  • At an October 8 REDS seminar co-sponsored by CDDRL and TEC, Aleksandar Matovski examined why Russia’s response to setbacks in Ukraine does not track their severity.
  • His “pressure cooker” framework argues that Putin needs a “forever war” to maintain control, so restraint holds until accumulated political pressure makes escalation the less costly option.
  • Matovski cited the 2022 mobilization and nuclear scare to argue that restraint and escalation are phases of one process, making apparent restraint unstable and escalation hard to anticipate.
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How should allies deal with a superpower they can no longer rely on? Former Canadian Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland joins CDDRL to discuss her new book, "Unreliable Boyfriend: An Insider's View of Dealing with a Chaotic Superpower, Plutocrats, and Other Complicated People."

Freeland has seen these questions from two sides. As a foreign correspondent, she covered the rise of Russia's oligarchs in the 1990s. As a senior Canadian official, she helped renegotiate the trade agreement between Canada, the U.S. and Mexico. The book draws on both careers to examine how power operates inside government, why trade, security and democracy can no longer be treated separately, and how democracies might build coalitions strong enough to resist authoritarian states and domestic oligarchs.

Freeman Spogli Institute (FSI) Satre Family Senior Fellow and Mosbacher Director of CDDRL, Kathryn Stoner will moderate the conversation, focusing on democratic resilience, international political economy, U.S. foreign policy, Russia and Ukraine.  Audience Q&A will follow. Books will be available for purchase at the event.  

ABOUT THE SPEAKER

Chrystia Freeland is Canada’s former Deputy Prime Minister, Foreign Minister, and Minister of Finance. With a background in Russian history, she first gained international acclaim as a foreign correspondent and editor for the Financial Times and Reuters, and later served as the deputy editor of The Globe and Mail. Her first book, Sale of the Century, told the story of the struggle between reformers and oligarchs in 1990s Russia. Her book, Plutocrats, established her as a leading voice on global economic inequality. After over a decade in federal politics, including a pivotal role in renegotiating the CUSMA, Freeland resigned from Parliament in early 2026. She has since served as a Resident Fellow at Harvard's Institute of Politics and an unpaid economic adviser to the Ukrainian government.

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Only those with an active Stanford ID and access to the William J. Perry Conference Room in Encina Hall may attend in person. Others may attend virtually, via Zoom.

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Chrystia Freeland Canada’s former Deputy Prime Minister, Foreign Minister, and Minister of Finance
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The Rise and Fall of Tunisian Democracy: Populism, Polarization, and the Perils of Power-Sharing

After the Arab Spring, Tunisia emerged as the one success story to transition to democracy, winning a Nobel Peace Prize in 2015 for its focus on inclusion and power-sharing. How, then, did its democracy collapse in 2021?

Drawing on unique interviews with senior Tunisian officials, alongside three nationally representative surveys of the population, The Rise and Fall of Tunisian Democracy points to an overemphasis on compromise, consensus, and power-sharing. Although power-sharing institutions can be useful at the start of a transition, the book finds that extending them beyond that point can lead democracy to unravel by frustrating voters and spurring the rise of populists and extremists. The book takes an in-depth look at Tunisia's transition and then explores how far the theory travels through a quantitative analysis of all democratic transitions between 1942–2020. Overall, the book reveals the dark side of power-sharing, broadening our understanding of the causes of populism, polarization, and democratic breakdown.

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Sharan Grewal (PhD, Princeton 2018) is an Associate Professor of Government at American University and a Nonresident Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution. His research examines revolutions and democratic transitions, particularly in the Arab world. His first book, Soldiers of Democracy? Military Legacies and the Arab Spring (Oxford University Press, 2023), explores why militaries support or thwart democratic transitions. It received APSA’s Best Book in MENA Politics Award and the Robert Jervis Best International Security Book Award. His second book, The Rise and Fall of Tunisian Democracy: Populism, Polarization, and the Perils of Power-Sharing, is forthcoming with Cambridge University Press in October 2026. His work has also been published in the American Political Science Review, American Journal of Political Science, and British Journal of Political Science, among other journals. His research has received funding from the National Science Foundation, the Henry Luce Foundation, the John Templeton Foundation, the Smith Richardson Foundation, and the Defense Security Cooperation University.

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Only those with an active Stanford ID with access to William J. Perry Conference Room in Encina Hall may attend in person.

Sharan Grewal Associate Professor of Government at American University Presenter American University
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11.03.26 Hanna Note Book Talk

How has Russia sustained its confrontation with the West since 2022, and at what cost? In her new book, Hanna Notte argues the Kremlin is waging a war not only on Ukraine but over the global order itself.

Notte traces how Russia adapted after the invasion. It worked around sanctions, built new partnerships, cultivated support across the Global South and tried to deepen divisions within Western democracies. Her account combines policy analysis with field reporting from more than a dozen countries and interviews with officials, facilitators and ordinary people drawn into Russia's agenda.

The book also examines the domestic consequences. Notte finds that Putin's focus on confronting the West has distorted Russia's economy and moved the country from a tacit dictatorship toward a full one. She suggests Putin may outlast the West, but has gambled Russia's future in the process.

Satre Family Senior Fellow and Mosbacher Director of CDDRL, Kathryn Stoner will moderate the discussion, which will cover Russian statecraft, the durability of autocratic regimes under pressure and what Russia's strategy means for the U.S., Europe and the Global South. Audience Q&A will follow.

ABOUT THE SPEAKER

Hanna Notte is the Director of the Eurasia Nonproliferation Program at the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies. She is also a senior associate (non-resident) with the Center for Strategic and International Studies and with the Kennan Institute. Notte's expertise is in Russia's foreign and security policy. She holds a doctorate and Master's degree in international relations from Oxford University and a BA in social and political sciences from Cambridge University. During her doctoral studies, she was a visiting researcher with the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Carnegie Moscow Center. Based in Berlin, she regularly writes for outlets such as the Financial Times, Foreign Affairs, the New York Times, and ZEIT, among others.

Kathryn Stoner
Kathryn Stoner

Only those with an active Stanford ID and access to the William J. Perry Conference Room in Encina Hall may attend in person. Others may attend virtually, via Zoom.

Registration required.

Hanna Notte Eurasia Program Director James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies
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10.5.26BookTalk_HowToSurviveAuthoritarianism

Join the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law for a conversation with Maria Kuznetsova and Dan Storyev, Russian journalists in exile and co-authors of How to Survive Authoritarianism: A Russian's Phrasebook for Everyday Life in America (Liveright, 2026). The book argues that Americans confronting a rising tide of authoritarianism don't need to invent a vocabulary for it: Russians already built one over generations of contending with illiberal rule. Kuznetsova and Storyev compile roughly 100 Russian words and phrases, from "power vertical," used to describe hypercentralized governance, to "mnogohodovochka," a term that mocks misguided state initiatives, tracing how this vernacular of double-speak helped ordinary citizens "make sense of how illiberalism takes shape." The discussion will bring that framework to the American context, examining the mechanics of authoritarian consolidation and the strategies available for resisting it, and drawing comparisons between the Russian experience and current U.S. politics. Satre Family Senior Fellow & Mosbacher Director Kathryn Stoner will be moderating the discussion.

ABOUT THE SPEAKERS

Maria Kuznetsova is a human rights expert from Russia who tackles political prosecution and anti-war repressions. She has expertise in developing international advocacy campaigns and engaging in strategic communication with journalists and public figures on human rights issues, especially in the context of Russian war against Ukraine. Kuznetsova received a master of public policy from Harvard Kennedy School and is based in San Francisco.

Dan Storyev grew up between Russia and the US. An Oxford graduate, he has been working as a journalist and researcher for years, specialising on writing about the former Soviet space for English-language outlets. His writing appeared in the Financial Times, New York Times and Foreign Policy amongst others. Dan covers human rights and conflicts and has reported from hotspots all over the world, including Ukraine and Myanmar. Dan writes the English newsletter at OVD-Info, a leading Russian human rights watchdog, which Dan also represented at conferences, radio, TV and more. Dan had worked as a lecturer and tutor for a decade — his diverse experience includes guest lectures at Oxford, Ghent and KCL.

Kathryn Stoner
Kathryn Stoner

Only those with an active Stanford ID and access to the William J. Perry Conference Room in Encina Hall may attend in person. Others may attend virtually, via Zoom - join with passcode: 123456.

Registration required.

Maria Kuznetsova Associate Professor University of Auburn
Dan Storyev Writer & Researcher
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