Read the article in the December 2023 issue of Stanford Magazine.

This article was originally published in The Stanford Daily on August 22, 2022

Since then, Jensen said, the program has grown significantly, thanks to the generous support of Bill Draper and Ingrid von Mangoldt Hills, with even “more faculty who wanted to participate than we could accommodate.”

According to Fukuyama, Draper Hills has become an important forum for training democratic leaders around the world. 

“We try to provide a mixture of practical skills, networking tools and a stronger intellectual foundation so they can think about their future careers to determine the most strategically impactful way they can behave and act in the present,” he said.

In recent years, the program has shifted its focus toward technology, global warming, and poverty, which increasingly figure large roles in the fight for democracy, according to Jensen. Case studies, panels, and guest lectures from international experts fill the fellows’ three weeks on campus.

Outside of their classes in the Bechtel Center, the fellows tour San Francisco landmarks and enjoy group dinners hosted by the core faculty. In previous years, for example, fellows have visited local technology firms like Twitter, Google, and Facebook to explore “how democracies and autocracies can use technology to promote their goals,” Stoner said.

With help from the program, Draper Hills Fellows have consistently become leaders in law, politics, civil society organizations, and international development after graduation, with a growing alumni network of almost 400. Renchinnyam Amarjargalis, the former Prime Minister of Mongolia, was a fellow in 2005, along with other alumni who have risen to international prominence. 

Diamond added that the Foreign Affairs Minister of the government in exile of Myanmar, Zin Mar Aung, is also a former Draper Hills Fellow and has become “one of the most important leaders of the opposition in Burma fighting for democracy.”

The Draper Hills program gives its fellows more confidence and tools to see their work and struggles in a larger context, according to Diamond.

“Once you realize it’s part of a global pattern, you don’t feel that your national situation is quite so cursed,” he said. “You can draw strength from this solidarity and the sharing of experiences.”

Beyond the three weeks of the program, fellows remain connected to one another through on-campus gatherings, WhatsApp channels, and regional workshops around the world.

“As fellows, we are part of a very great network that always reminds us that, as activists for democracy and human rights, we are not alone,” said former Peruvian Minister of Education and current Draper Hills Fellow Daniel Alfaro. “There are others like us who are great fighters.” 

Participants, many of whom are already rising leaders in international democratic movements, are starting to see how valuable the program will be for their future work.

“Draper Hills has already expanded my horizons in terms of the roles that I can play in Mexican society to promote change, and provided many important allies and a network that can support these changes,” said current fellow Mariela Saldivar Villalobos, a Mexican activist and politician. “I feel deeply honored to have this opportunity. And I hope one day, Stanford will feel proud of investing its time and talent in me.”

What were some of the challenges of this particular project, and what excited you about this work?

Lucas: The challenge with this work was to demonstrate two critical components of our theory of change: 1) that the energy DPV and energy efficiency investments were sufficient to offset the initial cost of the loan within a reasonable time period for MiPyMEs and 2) that we could successfully de-risk lending to applicants with minimal or no credit history through this alternative credit mechanism.

Pastor: It definitely took a while for us to land on the root cause of the energy access issue in the Peninsula, and we did a lot of technical scoping work early in the process, and those co-creation workshops where we got input and feedback from partners on the ground was critical for us to finally read that, “ah, ha” moment.

We eventually realized that the key issue was not a lack of technical options, but rather a lack of access to affordable finance to invest in these interventions. We also realized that most businesses are connected to the grid and as such, while some will benefit from distributed solar generation systems, this will not be the case in general. Instead, focusing on bringing awareness and introducing energy efficiency and conservation measures is key to helping more businesses lower their electricity bill burden. The cheapest megawatt, after all, the one you don’t use.

In the year you’ve been working with NREL, how has this project grown and changed? What’s are some of the victories? What areas are you still working to make better?

Pastor: When we started this project, we had no idea what it would turn out to be. It was a class project, a challenge that we had to come up with a solution for. I don’t think any of us thought we would get to actually implement our idea. But today MIPyMEs in the Yucatan are able to get a free energy audit and apply to MicroYuc Verde for an affordable line of credit that enables them to both reduce their energy consumption and grow their business.

Lucas: I also see the multi-stakeholder coalition we’ve built as a major team victory – working with local government leaders, researchers, and changemakers in this space is really encouraging.

Pastor: We are also working to scale up the program and develop energy audit training modules that other local institutions across Mexico will be able to use to offer free energy audits to businesses. Receiving the endorsement of the Governor of Yucatan was a great win for the program. And as Hallie mentions, the multi-stakeholder coalition we have built is a true victory, and something that makes me confident that the program will continue.

How do you hope to see this project continue to develop in the coming years?

Lucas: In the next phase of this project, NREL, IYEM, and ITSP are working to develop a robust technical training curriculum for university students to conduct energy efficiency audits for local businesses seeking to reduce their energy consumption. Student and university-led technoeconomic analysis will support data-driven decisions on investment and lending and will equip students with the advanced skill set they need to succeed in a clean energy futures workforce. These targeted training materials and analytical tools will be made publicly available when complete.

Pastor: I would love to see this project grow in its pilot phase to offer more audits and microloans to MIPyMEs in the Yucatan, and even go beyond Yucatan to other Peninsula states, as I truly think it can make a different.

And at a higher-level, I am really looking forward to seeing whether our theory of change is legitimate – if we can prove that SMEs can leverage affordable financing to access clean energy that would be consequential for broader energy transition efforts around the globe.

How did having the chance to work on a project like this as a Ford Dorsey Master’s in International Policy student impact your studies and how you think about your role and future in the world of policy and international development?

Pastor: Getting the chance to work on a project like this has definitely shaped the type of work and impact I want to have. I am currently working in the sustainable finance space, as I really believe that part of the key to achieving our climate goals lies with closing the mitigation and adaptation finance gap, and especially focusing on bringing financing solutions to those who are often left behind by the system.

Lucas: I’ve been prompted to reflect more about institutionalized and systemic barriers to energy equity, as well, and to think more critically about what inclusive clean energy transitions look like in practice. The next several decades are humanity’s most critical – as the entire world mobilizes to combat the climate crisis, global energy and economic structures will be fundamentally transformed. In this, we have an unparallel opportunity to choose – and create – a better, more inclusive, more sustainable, future.

What are each of you hoping to do next in your careers?

Pastor: I hope to keep growing my knowledge of climate finance and to keep working to make an impact and accelerate climate transition efforts around the world. It’s been so moving to see the passion and commitment everyone we have worked with has shown. The fact that some of the Yucatan participants would take two days out of their busy schedules to come together to discuss what could be done to solve this problem is very inspiring. And even since our initial investigations have ended, they have continued to show up for the project, and are very much driving it forward at this point. It is truly great to see them believe in our vision for a clean energy future

Lucas: I agree. I want to keep doing what I am doing now!

Abstract

Latin American foreign-policy elites defend the principle of non-intervention to shield their countries’ autonomy. By 2005, however, most Latin American foreign policy elites accepted the easing of limits on the use of force in international law. They supported the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), which regulates the use of force to protect populations from mass atrocities. The paper presents a comparison of the Brazilian, Chilean, and Mexican positions in the R2P debates to understand why they supported this norm. During the debates leading to the emergence of R2P, these elites questioned a central premise of liberal internationalism: the idea that great powers would restrain their use of military force as part of their commitment to a liberal international order (LIO). Using Republican international political theory, I argue that these Latin American foreign-policy elites viewed a restricted humanitarian-intervention norm as a new defence against great powers interfering in developing countries. Instead of trusting that great powers would restrain their actions, these elites advocated for a humanitarian-intervention norm that would prevent uncontrolled humanitarian interventions.

Read the rest at Cambridge Review of International Affairs