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As health-care costs climb ever upward, controlling expenses without sacrificing high-quality care becomes increasingly important. Payment systems based on the value of care are emerging as a way to combat rising costs.

Many researchers like Jason Wang, an associate professor of pediatrics and a Stanford Health Policy core faculty member, have found that bundled payment systems may help health-care institutions achieve better value of care.

In a new study in the Journal of the American Medical Association Oncology, Wang and his co-authors show that a value-based bundled payment system is associated with cost containment and improvement in care, even improving chances for survival.

The study examined Taiwan’s bundled pay-for-performance (PFP) system for breast cancer. Instead of the traditional fee-for-service (FFS) system that is typical in the United States — in which every test, surgery and exam is billed individually — this system includes all aspects of treatment in a single established cost, or bundled payment.

Based on guidelines set by Taiwan’s National Health Insurance Administration (NHIA), the pilot program reimbursed health-care institutions’ costs for breast cancer treatment based on the patient’s cancer stage, 0 to IV. Institutions that exceeded the NHIA’s standards received a financial bonus as an incentive for better performance.

The study followed 4,215 patients in the bundled-care system over a five-year period, comparing the quality of their care, the cost of their treatment and the outcomes of their treatment to 12,506 similar patients in the traditional FFS system.

The authors found that patients in the bundled-payment system received better care throughout treatment, were more likely to survive, and contained medical costs over time, compared to their peers in the FFS system.

Costs for patients in the bundled payment system remained about the same throughout the study. However, the cost of treatment for those in the FFS system steadily increased throughout the study period. By the end, even health-care institutions receiving the maximum bonus incentive would incur lower costs than those in the FFS system.

Yet even though their treatment was cheaper, patients in the bundled system experienced better results. Patients using the bundled system had significantly higher survival rates for cancer stages 0 to III, and they were more likely to receive higher quality care based on quality indicators.

This is largely due to the better coordination of care made necessary by the bundled system, according to Wang.

“When you play in an orchestra, the whole group needs to play together, so it plays the right tune,” said Wang. “Focusing on value for the patient and the health-care system forces people to play the same tune.”

Wang believes the lessons learned from Taiwan’s program could be applied in other parts of the world, including the United States, which is currently moving toward bundled cancer care.

Though the U.S. already bundles care for conditions like appendicitis and chemotherapy — in which costs are fairly predictable — many hospital administrators fear that broadening the use of bundled payments for more complex conditions is too risky, financially.

Wang does not share their misgivings.

“People say, ‘We can’t do this for a very complex disease.’ It’s not true,” he said. “When we went outside of the U.S., we started to find systems that work.”

Wang found that when institutions can coordinate care for patients — that is, when a single institution manages all aspects of a patient’s care — the patient is more likely to have better outcomes.

“If institutions take the leadership of providing the infrastructure to coordinate care, they can really deliver better care with the same or lower costs.”

There are benefits for the institutions, too. Right now, because health insurance providers may accept or reject particular costs in an unpredictable way, care institutions never know how much they’re going to get paid for a service. But in a bundled payment system, costs are much more stable and revenue easier to predict.

Considering the benefits, Wang hopes the Taiwan breast cancer study will show institutions in the United States and around the world that bundled payments for cancer can be done on a broad scale.

The value, he said, is worth the risk.

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This talk will be based on Professor Lin's new book, Taiwan's China Dilemma: Contested Identities and Multiple Interests in Taiwan's Cross-Strait Economic Policy, Stanford University Press (2016). 

 

Abstract

China and Taiwan share one of the world's most complex international relationships. Although their similar cultures and complementary economies promoted an explosion of commercial ties since the late 1980s, they have not led to a stable political relationship, let alone progress toward the unification that both governments once claimed to seek. In addition, Taiwan’s economic policy toward China has alternated between liberalization and restriction. Most recently, Taiwan's Sunflower Movement succeeded in obstructing deeper economic ties with China. Why has Taiwan's policy toward China been so controversial and inconsistent?

Author Syaru Shirley Lin explains the divergence between the development of economic and political relations across the Taiwan Strait and the oscillation of Taiwan’s cross-Strait economic policy through the interplay of national identity and economic interests. She shows how the debate over Taiwanese national identity has been intimately linked to Taiwan’s economic policy during a turbulent time in cross-Strait relations. Using primary sources, opinion surveys, and interviews with Taiwanese opinion leaders, she paints a vivid picture of one of the most unsettled and dangerous relationships in the contemporary world.

As Taiwan grapples with the growing importance of the Chinese economy, it also experiences the uneven socio-economic consequences of globalization. This has produced a reconsideration of the desired degree of further integration with China, especially among the younger generations. Taiwan’s China Dilemma illustrates the growing backlash against economic liberalization and regional economic integration around the world.

 

Biography

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Shirley Lin

Syaru Shirley Lin teaches political science at the University of Virginia and is a member of the founding faculty of the master’s program in global political economy at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Her book, Taiwan’s China Dilemma: Contested Identities and Multiple Interests in Taiwan's Cross-Strait Economic Policy, was published by Stanford University Press in 2016. She graduated from Harvard College and earned her masters and Ph.D. from the University of Hong Kong. Before starting her academic career, Prof. Lin was a partner at Goldman Sachs, where she was responsible for direct investment in Asia and spearheaded the firm’s investments in many technology start-ups such as Alibaba and Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corp. Previously, she specialized in the privatization of state-owned enterprises in Singapore and China. Prof. Lin’s present board service includes Goldman Sachs Asia Bank, Langham Hospitality Investments and Mercuries Life Insurance. She also advises Crestview Partners and the Focused Ultrasound Foundation and is a member of the Hong Kong Committee for Pacific Economic Cooperation.

 

This event is sponsored by the Taiwan Democracy Project in the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law. It is free and open to the public, and lunch will be served. Please RSVP by October 17.

CISAC Central Conference Room, Encina Hall, 2nd Floor

Syaru Shirley Lin Professor of Political Economy Chinese University of Hong Kong and the University of Virginia
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Daniel C. Sneider
Gi-Wook Shin
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Seventy-one years ago today, Japan formally surrendered in World War II. Though the end of war may seem part of the distant past, the cultural and political legacy of that conflict still looms large over the international stage, particularly in Asia. U.S. President Barack Obama’s visit this past May to Hiroshima did more than pay homage to the victims of the atomic bombing carried out by the United States more than seven decades ago. The President also stepped into the complex and often treacherous realm of wartime historical memory, Daniel Sneider and Stanford professor Gi-Wook Shin write in a piece for the Stanford University Press blog.

Shin and Sneider, director and associate director for research of the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, respectively, are co-authors of the book Divergent Memories and lead a multiyear research project that examines historical reconciliation in Asia.

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U.S. President Barack Obama and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe shake hands at Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park, Japan, May 27, 2016.
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In 2013, China’s president, Xi Jinping, launched a massive reclamation and construction campaign on seven reefs in the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea. Beijing insisted that its actions were responsible and in accord with international law, but foreign critics questioned Xi’s real intentions. Recently available internal documents involving China’s leader reveal his views about war, the importance of oceans in protecting and rejuvenating the nation, and the motives underlying his moves in the South China Sea. Central to those motives is China’s rivalry with the United States and the grand strategy needed to determine its outcome. To this end, Xi created five externally oriented and proactive military theater commands, one of which would protect newly built assets in the South China Sea and the sea lanes – sometimes referred to as the Maritime Silk Road – that pass through this sea to Eurasia and beyond. Simultaneously, China’s actions in the Spratlys complicated and worsened the US-China rivalry, and security communities in both countries recognized that these actions could erupt into armed crises – despite decades of engagement to prevent them. A permanent problem-solving mechanism may allow the two countries to move toward a positive shared future.

You can read the full article from CISAC co-founder John Lewis and Xue Litai on the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists Web site.

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View from a C-130 transport plane towards Taiping island during a visit by journalists to the island in the Spratlys chain in the South China Sea on March 23, 2016.
View from a C-130 transport plane towards Taiping island during a visit by journalists to the island in the Spratlys chain in the South China Sea on March 23, 2016.
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Abstract

Are Weberian bureaucracies a precondition for capitalist markets or is it the other way around? According to the developmental school, state bureaucracies organized along Weberian precepts is necessary for successful state-led growth. Yet some level of economic wealth also appears to be necessary for achieving such desirable institutions. Departing from conventional linear approaches to development, this essay develops and applies a coevolutionary approach that traces the mutual adaptation of bureaucracies and markets among local states in China. My analysis demonstrates that the particular features of bureaucracy that promote growth vary over the course of development, even among locales within a single country. More surprisingly, I find that the bureaucratic forms that initially sparked growth actually defied Weberian norms of technocratic specialization and impersonality. In other words, in rethinking the relationship between markets and institutions, we must distinguish between market-building and market- preserving institutions. Conventionally good institutions like Weberian bureaucracies are necessary to preserve markets after they have already emerged; however, it is the adaptive refashioning of preexisting “weak” institutions that build markets in the first place. 

 

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Left-center parties in South Korea and Taiwan recently defeated their conservative opponents amid a surge in turnout by younger voters. What are the underlying causes of these developments? Do they signal the beginning of a political transformation in these vibrant democracies? Booseung Chang will discuss the role of growing voter anger over socio-economic disparities and the rise of new nationalisms in potentially changing the political party systems of South Korea and Taiwan, along with the implications for the United States.

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Booseung Chang is the 2015-16 Shorenstein Postdoctoral Fellow at Stanford’s Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center. His research focuses on domestic developments and foreign relations of Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, as well as North Korean nuclear issues. Chang received a doctorate in international relations from Johns Hopkins University. Previously, he served as a South Korean foreign service officer for fifteen years.

Booseung Chang <i>2015-16 Shorenstein Postdoctoral Fellow</i>, Stanford University
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