Children's health
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Women empowerment (WE) is increasingly viewed as an important strategy to reduce maternal and child undernutrition,13 which continues to be a major health burden in low- and middle-income countries causing 3.5 million preventable maternal and child deaths, 35% of the disease burden in children younger than 5 years, and 11% of total global disability-adjusted life years.4,5Global data show that one of the worst affected regions is sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), where about 20% of children are malnourished.6,7 Benin is no exception, as the prevalence of stunting, wasting, and underweight was 37%, 5%, and 17%, respectively, among children aged 6 to 59 months in the 2006 Benin Demographic and Health Survey (DHS),8 while 9% of women had chronic energy deficiency in the 2012 DHS.9 Greater rates were observed in rural areas where stunting was found in 40% of children, underweight in 19%, and wasting in 5%, while 10% of women had chronic energy deficiency.8,9 Additionally, Beninese women and children have a limited dietary diversity score (DDS), with diets predominately composed of starchy staples with little or no animal products and few fresh fruits and vegetables.10,11 Government, United Nation agencies, and nongovernmental organizations in Benin recognize that the state of maternal and child undernutrition requires multiple types of interventions.12

However, women’s low empowerment status in Benin can hinder the improvement in women’s and children’s undernutrition. Indeed, although females accounted for 47% of the economically active population in 2014,13 social and civil legislation is strongly influenced by tradition and customs, as women continue to be required to seek their husband’s authorization in certain areas such as family planning or health services.14 Rural women provided labor to the families’ commercial plots, were responsible for household food production and processing, and also had to work in the cooperative structures set up by the state in addition to their household tasks.14 In a more recent study of productivity differences by gender in central Benin, researchers noted that female rice farmers are particularly discriminated against with regard to access to land and equipment, resulting in significant negative impacts on their productivity and income.15 As in other areas of West Africa, women also have the responsibility of caring for children and preparing food for the household,16 but they may be vulnerable to food insecurity owing to unequal intrahousehold food distribution and their willingness to forego meals in favor of children during times of scarcity.17 Finally, no study to date has examined links between women’s empowerment and nutrition in Benin.

In addition, the evidence backing the effect of women’s empowerment on maternal and child undernutrition is inconsistent.18 Using the Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture Index (WEAI), Malapit et al19 reported positive and significant association between women’s group (WG) membership, control over income, overall empowerment, and women’s health (as measured by body mass index [BMI] and DDS) in Nepal. However, in Ghana, women’s aggregate empowerment and participation in credit decisions were positively correlated with women’s DDS, but not BMI.20 Mixed findings were also observed between women’s empowerment and child anthropometry. Moestue et al21 found a positive association between maternal involvement in social groups and length-for-age z score of 1-year-old children, but De Silva and Harpham22showed a negative association in 6- to 18-month-old children. Shroff et al23 found positive association between decision-making and child weight-for-age z score (WAZ), but Begum and Sen’s24 analysis of Bangladesh DHS data did not reveal any significant associations. Therefore, information about which domains of WE are associated with nutritional status is limited,20 and this lack of knowledge constrains the set of policy options that can be used to empower women and improve nutrition.

In addition to a limited set of studies in SSA, examinations of the effects of WE on nutrition outcomes are constrained due to interstudy differences in population characteristics, settings, or methods/conceptualizations of WE.2527 For example, despite recognition of the complex, multidimensional, and culturally defined nature and influence of empowerment on nutrition,20,26,28,29 only a few studies considered the multidimensional structure of empowerment domains in Africa or examined the varied relationships between each measure of WE and maternal and child nutrition status.30,31 Furthermore, in 2012, the International Food Policy Research Institute developed WEAI constructed from 5 prespecified domains of empowerment,32which may not be equally relevant in all areas. In contrast, in 2015, the United Nations adopted the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), but the specific indicators for the SDG empowerment targets are largely equality metrics.33 To address the need for multidimensional and contextual examinations of WE and its influence on maternal and child health outcomes, we draw from the concepts put forward in the WEAI and the SDGs but took an approach more along the lines of the World Bank which gathers indicators, both equity and empowerment related, that can be used in contextually appropriate ways.34 The aims of this study were therefore to first explore the structure and domains of WE in Kalalé district of northern Benin and then to examine the effects of these constructs on nutritional status of women and their children in the region.

 

 

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Food and Nutrition Bulletin
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Rosamond L. Naylor
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May 25th Schedule for Child Health and Immigration Conference

Children in Immigrant Families and National Immigration Policy

 

8:30- 8:40        Welcome Drs. Mendoza, Sanders, and Wang

8:40-9:20       Demographics of Children in Immigrant Families

                          Jeffrey Passel, Ph.D., Senior Demographer, Hispanic Pew Research Center

9:20 -10:00    National Immigration Policy and Its Implications for Children in Immigrant Families

Bill Hing, JD, Professor of Law and Director of the Immigration and Deportation Defense Clinic, University of San Francisco, School of Law

Break 10 minutes

10:10- 11:10  Policy Research on CIF: Improving Health and Well Being (Duncan Lawrence, Ph.D.)

  Fernando Mendoza, MD, MPH – Professor of Pediatrics, Stanford University

                          Stanford Immigration Policy Lab

                                    Jens Hainmueller, Ph.D., Professor of Political Science

                                    David Laitin, Ph.D., Professor of Political Science

                                    Tomas Jimenez, Ph.D. – Associate Professor of Sociology

                          Florencia Torche, Ph.D. –Professor of Sociology, Stanford University

11:10 -12:10 Federal, State, and Regional Actions on Immigration Policy (Sherri Sager)

                          Zoe Lofgren, JD –(by video) Congresswoman 19th Congressional District, California

  Elizabeth Baca, MD, MPA, Sr. Health Advisor California Governor's Office of Planning and Research

  Jonathan Blazer, JD – Special Assistant Attorney General, California Dept. of Justice

  David Cortese, JD –President, Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors

12:10 -1:00 Lunch

 

Regional and Local Concerns for Children in Immigrant Families

 

1:00-2:20       Immigration and the Health and Educational Systems (David Alexander, MD)

                          Chris Dawes, MBA – CEO, Lucile Packard Children’s Hospital

                          Stephen Harris, MD – Santa Clara Valley Medical Center, Chair Dept. of Pediatrics

                          Reymundo Espinoza, MPH – Executive Director Gardner Family Health Network

                          Sara Cody, MD -Director, Public Health Department, Santa Clara County

                          Juan Cruz, MA– Superintendent, Franklin-McKinley School District

Break 10 minutes

 

2:30 -3:40       Health and Mental Health of Children in Immigrant Families (Yvonne Maldonado, MD)

                          Elena Fuentes Afflick , MD, MPH – Professor of Pediatrics, UCSF

                          Glenn Flores, MD – Chair, Health Policy Research, Medica Research Institute, .

                          Ryan Matlow, Ph.D. – Director of Community Research for Early Life Stress, Stanford

Break 10 minutes

 

3:50-4:50       Advocating for Children in Immigrant Families (Lee Sanders, MD)

                          Lisa Chamberlain, MD, MPH – Associate Professor of Pediatrics, Stanford; Director, Pediatric Advocacy Program

                          Maricela Gutierrez –Exe. Dir. Services, Immigration Rights, and Education Network

                          Dana Weintraub, MD - Assistant Professor; Medical Director, Peninsula Family Advocacy Program

                          Stacey Hawver, JD – Legal Director, Peninsula Family Advocacy Program

 

4:50 to 5:00    Closing Remarks –Fernando Mendoza, MD, MPH, -Professor of Pediatrics

 

5:00-6:00       Reception

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Like any energetic 7-year-old, your daughter loves running around outside, playing with her friends and kicking around a soccer ball. So you’re concerned when she starts losing energy. She looks pale and refuses to eat. You take her to the pediatrician, and her test results show the worst: she has leukemia. Once you work through the shock, you do you what any parent would do: find the best possible care to get her through it. But where do you go?

Health care for children is different from care for adults. Treating kids requires doctors who are experienced with their unique needs, and according to Stanford pediatricians Paul Wise and Lisa Chamberlain, this experience is developed and lives in children’s hospitals.

And these facilities are highly dependent on Medicaid.

“Children are the poorest segment of the United States population,” said Wise, a Stanford Health Policy core faculty member.

Nearly one out of every five children lives below the poverty line, according to the United States Census Bureau. Very few children need extensive health care, but of those that do, about 44 percent rely on Medicaid or other public insurance programs.

Because so many of their patients use Medicaid, these children’s hospitals need reimbursements from the program to support their services. Without this income, some might have to downsize or even shut down, and if they do, services would suffer for all children.

“If you want to kill rich kids, cut Medicaid,” said Wise. “If you’re a rich kid with a serious chronic problem, you’re going to want facilities that provide high-quality care. Those facilities are intensely dependent on Medicaid.”

If the American Health Care Act (the Republican replacement for Obamacare) passes Congress, Medicaid will convert to a per capita cap system. Instead of providing coverage to all who meet its criteria — which is primarily based on income and need — the federal government would cap how much money the federal government could provide each person.

Wise and Chamberlain worry that a set amount allocated for states or individuals would not be able to keep up with health industry inflation, causing payments to effectively decrease over time. They are also concerned that children would be particularly affected by these changes because their medical needs are so different from adults’.

“Caring for seriously ill children requires a wide range of services and specialists, from pediatric surgeons to speech therapists to hospital teachers who make sure kids don’t fall behind,” said Chamberlain. “In pediatrics we work as a team — and cutting Medicaid will reduce our ability to do that.”

Not only would the funds available for child health coverage erode, but according to Wise, the focus on adult health concerns in the emerging Medicaid changes could, without immediate attention, undermine 40 years of progress in developing strong, regionalized child health systems.

Providing for children’s needs should be simple because their expenditures are relatively low. Child health care makes up less than nine percent of all federal health expenditures in the United States.

But because the health policy debate in the United States focuses on older populations, children are often left out.

“I think it’s really important that we have these conversations about the unique needs of children,” said Chamberlain.

Wise and Chamberlain hope to alert policy-makers to the fiscal needs of children and how they affect care for all kids.

“Our elected officials have to cope with a wide range of issues, and they welcome engaged professionals exchanging ideas about active legislation,” said Chamberlain. “Those conversations really matter – now is the time to let them hear what we think.”

To hear more from Wise and Chamberlain about child health and Medicaid, listen to their podcast on World Class:

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I remember two things about my patient, Maria, a tiny baby who was born a little early. One was her large, beautiful eyes. The other was that when I put my stethoscope on her chest, I heard an enormous heart murmur. Maria had been born with a serious heart condition that would change her life and the life of her mom.

Good patient care at a time like this involves much more than treating a child’s heart. At that first appointment, Maria (not her real name), her mother and I began a long journey punctuated by multiple hospitalizations, surgeries and procedures.

Maria was born at Lucile Packard Children’s Hospital Stanford and lived with her mom in East Palo Alto. As her general pediatrician at Ravenswood Family Health Center, I came to know them both well. I focused on helping the tiny infant gain weight, so that she would be strong enough to undergo her heart surgeries. We brought in the Women, Infants and Children program to support her nutrition. I explained to her mom what the surgeries would do. I reviewed what Maria’s medicines were for, and when her mother couldn’t pay for them I helped gain authorization from county staff, who were able to get them dispensed at the pharmacy. When I realized Maria’s mom didn’t have enough money for food (due to many absences at work), I made sure she applied for food stamps.

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My experience with Maria coincided with my research at Stanford involving access to care for kids in California. As a result of the research, I spent part of my time in Sacramento, working with legislators on changes to the California Children’s Services program. This program is critical to the care of low-income children with serious medical conditions. My research, which involved analyzing data on publicly insured pediatric care like Maria’s, showed that access to high-quality care for low-income kids was pretty good in California compared with other states, but that there was variation among its 58 counties.

While working on the program’s reform in Sacramento, I spent time in countless staff meetings, public hearings and hallway discussions. I often thought about Maria, whose life depended on CCS. The research data I brought to these negotiations were as important as sharing Maria’s story — how her mother lost her job because of time spent caring for her fragile daughter, how the family sank more deeply into poverty and how services needed to be more focused on families. As changes to the CCS system were being discussed, I imagined how they would benefit or hinder Maria’s care and her future.

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  • S370 Grant Building
  • 300 Pasteur Drive
  • Stanford,  California  94305
650/427-9198
0
Assistant Professor, Pediatric Surgery
photo.png Ph.D.
Faculty Fellow at the Stanford Center at Peking University, July to August of 2017
Team Innovation Faculty Fellow at the Stanford Center at Peking University, July 2018
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Objective: To identify the magnitude of anaemia and deficiencies of Fe (ID) and vitamin A (VAD) and their associated factors among rural women and children.

Design: Cross-sectional, comprising a household, health and nutrition survey and determination of Hb, biochemical (serum concentrations of ferritin, retinol, C-reactive protein and α1-acid glycoprotein) and anthropometric parameters. Multivariate logistic regression examined associations of various factors with anaemia and micronutrient deficiencies.

Setting: Kalalé district, northern Benin. Subjects: Mother–child pairs (n 767): non-pregnant women of reproductive age (15–49 years) and children 6–59 months old.

Results: In women, the overall prevalence of anaemia, ID, Fe-deficiency anaemia (IDA) and VAD was 47·7, 18·3, 11·3 and 17·7%, respectively. A similar pattern for anaemia (82·4 %), ID (23·6%) and IDA (21·2%) was observed among children, while VAD was greater at 33·6%. Greater risk of anaemia, ID and VAD was found for low maternal education, maternal farming activity, maternal health status, low food diversity, lack of fruits and vegetables consumption, low protein foods consumption, high infection, anthropometric deficits, large family size, poor sanitary conditions and low socio-economic status. Strong differences were also observed by ethnicity, women’s group participation and source of information. Finally, age had a significant effect in children, with those aged 6–23 months having the highest risk for anaemia and those aged 12–23 months at risk for ID and IDA.

Conclusions: Anaemia, ID and VAD were high among rural women and their children in northern Benin, although ID accounted for a small proportion of anaemia. Multicentre studies in various parts of the country are needed to substantiate the present results, so that appropriate and beneficial strategies for micronutrient supplementation and interventions to improve food diversity and quality can be planned.

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Public Health Nutrition
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Rosamond L. Naylor
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The health gap between rich and poor children in developing countires is staggeringly high, but Assistant Professor of Medicine Eran Bendavid found that it is shrinking. In his pilot project, "Empirical Evidence on Wealth Inequality and Health in Developing Countries," Bendavid discovered that since the mid-2000s, life expectancies for children under five are starting to converge. How can we continue to close the gap? Watch to find out.

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Robert MacCoun, a professor of law and a senior fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, relays the potential risks and benefits of legalizing marijuana. His research focuses on drug policy, and he has written extensively about the effects of marijuana from a legal and health perspective.

California, Massachusetts and Nevada all legalized marijuana in the last election. Does this mean the legalization movement has reached a tipping point?  

If Hillary Clinton had won the election, it would probably feel that way, not because she’s a legalization advocate, but because she’d have bigger fish to fry and would probably continue President Obama’s laissez-faire approach. With the Trump administration’s new cabinet, all bets are off. Still, one in five Americans now live in a state where recreational use of marijuana is legal, and that’s a big market. And as the market grows, the industry’s lobbying clout grows.

What are the health risks post-legalization?

That depends on how much consumption levels increase. There are good reasons to expect marijuana prices to fall, which will increase consumption. Because many people use marijuana without health consequences, I worry less about an increase in the number of people using marijuana than about an increase in the number who use it one or more times daily. There is growing evidence that heavy marijuana use is associated with an increased risk of psychosis. We don’t know if it is a true cause-and-effect relationship; let’s hope it is not. But I think the biggest health threat is dependence, which for marijuana is something like getting stuck in the La Brea tar pits — your world just gets smaller and smaller as you get more dysfunctional.

maccoun stanford9 20 14 727 head shot Robert MacCoun, PhD

How can legalizing states combat these risks?

The good news is that legalization makes possible all sorts of regulatory options that weren’t available under prohibition. States should insist that no marijuana products are to be packaged in a way that entices children. Doses should be standardized, and there should be accurate labeling about the THC content. States should discourage products with high levels of THC, and perhaps encourage products with higher levels of cannabidiol (CBD), an ingredient that seems to counteract some of the harmful effects of THC.

The bad news is that the state ballot initiatives didn’t do much more than give lip service to public health and safety, and industry entrepreneurs are pushing back hard against state regulators. I think the industry is being foolish here — they’ve won eight states but still have 42 states to go. I don’t think they realize how quickly a backlash could emerge if those eight states show rising rates of various adverse outcomes.

Could there be any positive health effects of marijuana use?

Absolutely. There are plenty of lines of evidence suggesting medical benefits for some patients. Intriguingly, several new studies suggest that medical marijuana states may be experiencing reduced levels of opioid use and opioid overdoses. The Catch 22 is that the DEA decided not to reschedule marijuana because there isn’t enough rigorous evidence, but there isn’t enough rigorous evidence because the Feds have made such studies almost impossible to conduct.

Some of the biggest health benefits of marijuana will occur if it turns out that marijuana use is a substitute for binge drinking. There are both physiological and economic reasons to think that might be the case, but while some studies show substitution, others show complementarity. For a researcher, one big benefit of legalization is that it is going to help us finally answer a lot of these research questions.

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The ongoing decline in under-5 mortality ranks among the most significant public and population health successes of the past 30 years. Deaths of children under the age of 5 years have fallen from nearly 13 million per year in 1990 to less than 6 million per year in 2015, even as the world's under-5 population grew by nearly 100 million children. However, the amount of variability underlying this broad global progress is substantial. On a regional level, east Asia and the Pacific have surpassed the Millennium Development Goal target of a two-thirds reduction in under-5 mortality rate between 1990 and 2015, whereas sub-Saharan Africa has had only a 24% decline over the same period. Large differences in progress are also evident within sub-Saharan Africa, where mortality rates have declined by more than 70% from 1990 to 2015 in some countries and increased in others; in 2015, the mortality rate in some countries was more than three times that in others.

What explains this remarkable variation in progress against under-5 mortality? Answering this question requires understanding of where the main sources of variation in mortality lie. One view that is implicit in the way that mortality rates are tracked and targeted is that national policies and conditions drive first-order changes in under-5 mortality. This country-level focus is justified by research that emphasises the role of institutional factors in explaining variation in mortality—factors such as universal health coverage, women's education, and the effectiveness of national health systems. It is argued that these factors, which vary measurably at the country level, fundamentally shape the ability of individuals and communities to affect more proximate causes of child death such as malaria and diarrhoeal disease.

An alternate view has focused on exploring the importance of subnational variation in the distribution of disease. In the USA, studies on the geographical distribution of health care and mortality have been influential for targeting of resources and policy design. Similar studies in developing regions have shown the substantial variability in the distribution and changes of important health outcomes such HIV, malaria, and schistosomiasis—information that can then be used to improve the targeting of interventions. Nevertheless, the relative contribution of within-country and between-country differences in explaining under-5 mortality remains unknown. Improved understanding of the relative contribution of national and sub-national factors could provide insight into the drivers of mortality levels and declines in mortality, as well as improve the targeting of interventions to the areas where they are most needed.

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The Lancet Global Health
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Sam Heft-Neal
Eran Bendavid
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Beth Duff-Brown
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Stanford researchers have determined that more than 15 million children are living in high-mortality hotspots across 28 Sub-Saharan African countries, where death rates remain stubbornly high despite progress elsewhere within those countries.

The study, published online Oct. 25 in The Lancet Global Health, is the first to record and analyze local-level mortality variations across a large swath of Sub-Saharan Africa.

These hotspots may remain hidden even as many countries are on track to achieve one of the U.N. Sustainable Development Goals: reducing the mortality rate of children under 5 to 25 per 1,000 by 2030. National averages are typically used for tracking child mortality trends, allowing left-behind regions within countries to remain out of sight — until now.

The senior author of the study is Eran Bendavid, MD, MS, an assistant professor of medicine and core faculty member at Stanford Health Policy. The lead author is Marshall Burke, PhD, an assistant professor of Earth System Science and a fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute’s Center on Food Security and the Environment.

Decline in under-5 mortality rate

The authors note that the ongoing decline in under-5 mortality worldwide ranks among the most significant public and population health successes of the past 30 years. Deaths of children under the age of 5 years have fallen from nearly 13 million a year in 1990 to fewer than 6 million a year in 2015, even as the world’s under-5 population grew by nearly 100 million children, according to the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation.

“However, the amount of variability underlying this broad global progress is substantial,” the authors wrote.

“Mortality numbers are typically tracked at the national level, with the assumption that national differences between countries, such as government spending on health, are what determine progress against mortality,” Bendavid said. “The goal of our work was to understand whether national-level mortality statistics were hiding important variation at the more local level — and then to use this information to shed light on broader mortality trends.”

The authors used data from 82 U.S. Agency for International Development surveys in 28 Sub-Saharan African countries, including information on the location and timing of 3.24 million births and 393,685 deaths of children under 5, to develop high-resolution spatial maps of under-5 mortality from the 1980s through the 2000s.

Using this database, the authors found that local-level factors, such as climate and malaria exposure, were predictive of overall patterns, while national-level factors were relatively poor predictors of child mortality.

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Temperature, malaria exposure, civil conflict

“We didn’t see jumps in mortality at country borders, which is what you’d expect if national differences really determined mortality,” said co-author Sam Heft-Neal, PhD, a postdoctoral scholar in Earth System Science. “But we saw a strong relationship between local-level factors and mortality.”

For example, he said, one standard deviation increase in temperature above the local average was related to a 16-percent higher child mortality rate. Local malaria exposure and recent civil conflict were also predictive of mortality.

The authors found that 23 percent of the children in their study countries live in mortality hotspots — places where mortality rates are not declining fast enough to meet the targets of the U.N. Sustainable Development Goals. The majority of these live in just two countries: Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In only three countries do fewer than 5 percent of children live in hotspots: Benin, Namibia and Tanzania.

As part of the research, the authors have established a high-resolution mortality database with local-level mortality data spanning the last three decades to provide “new opportunities for a deeper understanding of the role that environmental, economic, or political conditions play in shaping mortality outcomes.”  The database, available at http://fsedata.stanford.edu, is an open-source tool for health and environmental researchers, child-health experts and policymakers.

“Our hope is that the creation of a high-resolution mortality database will provide other researchers new opportunities for deeper understanding of the role that environmental, economic or political conditions play in shaping mortality outcomes,” said Bendavid.  “These data could also improve the targeting of aid to areas where it is most needed.”

The research was supported by a grant from the Stanford Woods Institute for the Environment

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An HIV positive mother of six boys and one girl, poses with her children in her shelter in Juba on April 28, 2016. According to UN AIDS, nearly 3% of the adult population in South Sudan is HIV positive, with 13,000 deaths every year and 18,000 new infections annually. However, these figures should be likely higher if there was a more accurate evaluation among the rural population.
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