Authors
News Type
News
Date
Paragraphs

In an inspiring lecture, former Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos reflected on a historic peace deal in his country and highlighted how a relentless commitment to dialogue made that possible. 

“The key is planning and knowing who you are negotiating with,” Santos told a Stanford audience May 1 at an event co-sponsored by the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, the Business, Government & Society Initiative at the Stanford Graduate School of Business, and the Center for Latin American Studies.

He added, “It is about establishing what Nelson Mandela used to call constructive dialogue. Constructive dialogue means you sit down and learn from the person you are trying to reach some kind of agreement with. Learn from them, why they think the way they think, and behave the way they do. And in Colombia, that is what we did.”

Santos, who received the Nobel Peace Prize in 2016 for his efforts to end a five-decades-long civil war with a guerrilla group that killed more than 200,000 people in the South American country, served as president of Colombia from 2010 to 2018.

Known as a tenacious negotiator, Santos said, “The big challenge in the 140 conflicts currently in the world is that leaders need to sit down and talk in very constructive ways.”

Titled “The Power of Long-View Leadership,” the event included opening remarks from Alberto Díaz-Cayeros, senior fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI), as well as a brief response followed by an audience Q&A moderated by Héctor Hoyos, director of the Center for Latin American Studies.

Díaz-Cayeros said, “This discussion is especially timely and vital today as we confront global challenges – not only here in the United States but throughout the hemisphere and around the world – that demand both moral courage and a strategic vision.”

Listening, talking


In November 2024, Santos was appointed Chair of The Elders, the organization founded by Nelson Mandela to advocate for peace, justice, human rights, and a sustainable planet.

In his address, Santos explained the process of bringing the guerrilla group – the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or “FARC” — to the peace negotiating table. A meeting in the late 1990s with Mandela, the South African anti-apartheid activist, was particularly inspirational.

“He taught me why that program (in South Africa) to bring victims and perpetrators together to reconcile for the future was so important,” said Santos, who described it as the most interesting conversation he’s ever had about peacemaking.

So, he started studying peace processes all around the world — the ones that were successful, the ones that failed, and the ones that still held out hope. Gradually, he identified the conditions that were necessary to begin an authentic peace process with the FARC.

“What had my predecessors done wrong? What could I bring from other examples around the world?” He came to understand that three key conditions existed in the Colombian dynamic.

“As long as the guerrillas think that they will win through violence,” Santos said, “they will never sit down in good faith. They have to be convinced that they will never achieve power through violence. Second, the leaders of the guerrillas themselves personally have to be involved in the negotiations.”

Finally, he said, Colombia’s neighbors needed to support the peace process, or the guerrillas would always use those neighbors as safeguards and not commit to the peace process.

Juan Manuel Santos addressed a full audience in CEMEX Auditorium.
Juan Manuel Santos addressed a full audience in CEMEX Auditorium. | Rod Searcey

Santos brought on advisors who had successfully negotiated peace deals in other global hotspots. Some of the advice was especially sage.

“I was told to treat the FARC not as our enemies but as our adversaries. Enemies you eliminate. Adversaries you beat.” So, he instructed his military to make policy changes and to be conscious of all their actions, which they would live with forever.

“Treat them (FARC members) as human beings,” Santos said. “They have mothers, they have fathers, so while you fight with them, understand that they're human beings. So, I changed the whole military doctrine.”

A 2016 national referendum in Colombia rejected the peace deal by a narrow margin. Since then, the government and FARC have largely upheld the ceasefire and called for a broader national dialogue to continue the peace process.

Today, Santos is concerned that the gains from Colombia’s peace agreement with the FARC are unraveling. “The difficult path in every peace process is how to reconcile in order to have peace in the long run.”
 


The difficult path in every peace process is how to reconcile in order to have peace in the long run.
Juan Manuel Santos
Former President of Colombia


Humanity’s clock ticks


In January, Santos was invited to deliver an address at the annual unveiling of the Doomsday Clock’s time, which is set by the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists. He noted that the only criteria that existed through the 1990s was the possibility of nuclear war. Now, existential threats to humanity’s fate have rapidly expanded, including climate change, AI, pandemics, and biological threats.

At 89 seconds to midnight, the Doomsday Clock stands closer to catastrophe than at any moment in its 77-year history, Santos said. The clock speaks to the threats that confound and confront us — and the need for cooperation, unity, and bold leadership to turn back its hands.

Unfortunately, what is happening around the world reflects the contrary, Santos said. The multilateral system, the respect for the rule of law, and the respect for protocols are all under attack.

Long-term leadership that makes decisions — not according to the next election, but according to the well-being of future generations — is what the world truly needs, Santos noted.

“How can we do what we did in Colombia on the world stage? That is the great challenge, and that’s when dialogue is imperative,” he said.
 


How can we do what we did in Colombia on the world stage? That is the great challenge, and that’s when dialogue is imperative.
Juan Manuel Santos
Former President of Colombia


Instead of competing amongst each other to see who wins this or who wins that, Santos urged that “world leaders need to sit down and talk about how to work together to avoid nuclear war, control climate change, regulate AI, and more.”

“Every second counts,” he concluded.

Student and community engagement


Following the lecture, Professor Héctor Hoyos praised Santos for his unwavering commitment to education, both as President and throughout his career. Reflecting on a personal experience, Hoyos shared a formative moment from his own childhood, when he received a letter from then-Secretary of Education Santos, recognizing him as one of Colombia's most promising young students. "I want to thank you publicly for that gesture, which went a long way," Hoyos said of the experience that inspired him to pursue the scholarly path he follows today.

The lecture also sparked lively engagement among students, many of whom lined up to ask thoughtful questions about applying Santos’ insights to current global challenges. Their inquiries reflected a desire to connect lessons from Colombia’s peace process to diverse contexts around the world. Santos, practicing the very principles of dialogue he had emphasized, listened attentively, responded thoughtfully, and demonstrated a genuine willingness to engage in a constructive exchange of ideas.

After the event, Santos joined more than twenty students from the Graduate School of Business and other programs for a lunch, where discussions continued on leadership, peacebuilding, and the importance of dialogue in addressing contemporary issues.

Read More

Leopoldo López
News

“Venezuela can be the spark for a fourth wave of democratization,” says Leopoldo López

López, a political leader and prominent advocate for democracy in Venezuela, shared his vision for uniting global efforts to champion freedom and push back against authoritarianism with a Stanford audience on December 2, 2024.
“Venezuela can be the spark for a fourth wave of democratization,” says Leopoldo López
Vladimir Kara-Murza onstage with Michael McFaul at Stanford University.
News

Gone Today, Here Tomorrow: Vladimir Kara-Murza on the Fight for Democracy in Russia

During the 2024 Wesson Lecture, former political prisoner and democracy activist Vladimir Kara-Murza called for transparency and accountability from within Russia and more support from the international community to establish and grow Russian democracy.
Gone Today, Here Tomorrow: Vladimir Kara-Murza on the Fight for Democracy in Russia
María Corina Machado spoke to a Stanford audience in a special video address on November 18, and engaged in a conversation with Larry Diamond.
News

Venezuela: Cultivating Democratic Resilience Against Authoritarianism

María Corina Machado, the leader of the Venezuelan pro-democracy movement, suggests that a strong international response to Venezuelan authoritarianism will help overcome electoral fraud against democracy in her country.
Venezuela: Cultivating Democratic Resilience Against Authoritarianism
Hero Image
All News button
1
Subtitle

Former Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos shared insights on peace processes, leadership, and conflict transformation with a Stanford audience.

Date Label
-
The Power of Long-View Leadership: A Conversation with Juan Manuel Santos, Former President of Colombia and Nobel Peace Prize Laureate

In an era of growing uncertainty, the need for visionary leadership has never been greater. On May 1, former President of Colombia and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Juan Manuel Santos will share insights from his remarkable journey, emphasizing the power of long-view leadership in addressing existential threats, fostering dialogue and reconciliation, and building lasting peace.

Drawing from his experience brokering Colombia’s historic peace agreement with the FARC, President Santos will highlight the importance of patience, pragmatism, and moral courage in resolving deep-rooted conflicts. He will explore how leaders must navigate complex global challenges — climate change, economic inequality, and geopolitical tensions — through diplomacy and strategic foresight. With a focus on actionable lessons, this talk provides a compelling roadmap for policymakers, business leaders, and changemakers striving to turn crisis into opportunity. President Santos demonstrates that sustainable peace is not just a political goal but a leadership imperative for the survival and progress of humanity.

The event will begin with opening remarks from Alberto Díaz-Cayeros, Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI). Following his keynote address, President Santos will join Héctor Hoyos, Director of the Center for Latin American Studies, in conversation. The event will conclude with an audience Q&A.

This event is co-sponsored by the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, the Business, Government & Society Initiative at the Stanford Graduate School of Business, and the Center for Latin American Studies.

about the speakers

Juan Manuel Santos

Juan Manuel Santos

Former President of Colombia and Nobel Peace Prize Laureate

Juan Manuel Santos was the President of Colombia, from 2010 to 2018, and the sole recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize in 2016 for “his resolute efforts to bring the country’s more than 50-year-long civil war to an end”. Before becoming president, he was Minister of Foreign Trade, Minister of Finance, and Minister of Defense.

Santos graduated from the Colombian Naval Academy in Cartagena. He holds a Business and Economics degree from the University of Kansas and did postgraduate studies at the London School of Economics, the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, and Harvard University, where he obtained a Master’s in Public Administration at the Kennedy School.

He is currently the Chairman of the Board of the Compaz Foundation, which he created to contribute to peacebuilding in Colombia. He is also a member of the boards of the International Crisis Group, the Rockefeller Foundation, the Wildlife Conservation Society, the Global Commission on Drug Policy, and the Planetary Guardians.

In November 2024, he was appointed Chair of The Elders, the organization founded by Nelson Mandela to advocate for peace, justice, human rights, and a sustainable planet.

Alberto Díaz-Cayeros

Alberto Díaz-Cayeros

Senior Fellow, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies
Professor, by courtesy, of Political Science
full bio
Hector Hoyos

Héctor Hoyos

Director, Center for Latin American Studies
Professor, Iberian and Latin American Cultures
full bio
Alberto Díaz-Cayeros
Alberto Díaz-Cayeros
Héctor Hoyos

CEMEX Auditorium
Stanford Graduate School of Business (655 Knight Way, Stanford)

This is an in-person only event.

Members of the media interested in attending this event should contact cddrl_communications@stanford.edu.

Juan Manuel Santos
Lectures
Date Label
Paragraphs

Part of the goal [of this issue of the Experimental Political Scientist, the official newsletter of the American Political Science Association Organized Section on Experimental Political Science,] is to serve as a catalog of ideas for experiments, jumping-off points to which students can add their own spin. The contributions herein fall into two broad categories:

1. The mechanisms of how to conduct the experiment. A lot of tacit, on-the-ground knowledge is required to successfully implement an experiment. Rather than simply something to be "checked off" as valid in service of a specific quantitative finding, we're interested in highlighting the often innovative and complex work that goes into constructing what Morton (2013) calls the "methods and materials" of an experimental protocol.

2. Unexpected events. It is a shame to think of an ideal experiment as one in which the experimenters are able to perfectly predict what will happen.

While it's important that the core mechanisms of interest operate correctly, we want to highlight serendipity as a way to inform both future experimental design (when you learn how you *wish* you had implemented the experiment) or theoretical progress (when something unexpected happens that makes you think of other interesting things to test).

We have six excellent contributions on this theme. The topics range from best practices to running experiments with online livestreams or how to design treatments for experiments using recommendation algorithms, to lessons learned from conducting field experiments with excombatants. Thanks to the authors of these six contributions:
 

  • Lynn Vavrek
  • Vin Arceneaux
  • Neil Malhotra
  • Mateo Vasquez-Cortes and María Ignacia Curiel
  • Kirill Chmel, Eunji Kim and John Marshall
  • Chloe Ahn, Drew Dimmery, Sangyeon Kim, and Kevin Munger
All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Newsletters
Publication Date
Journal Publisher
Experimental Political Scientist
Authors
María Ignacia Curiel
Number
Iss. 1
Paragraphs

Ten years of debates over democratic backsliding have failed to produce many examples of independent institutions thwarting authoritarian attempts on democracy. Yet Latin American courts seem to be countering this larger trend. The three largest countries in the region—Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia—have produced robust institutions able to check leaders with authoritarian tendencies, with high courts playing a fundamental role. In a dramatic succession of recent cases, courts in these three countries have been innovative, acted with a high degree of independence, and appear legitimately interested in defending democratic norms. All of this is profoundly surprising. There is little to no track record of independent Latin American judiciaries that stand in the way of authoritarian governments. Closer study of these three countries is therefore critical for scholars and practitioners, who are otherwise locked in debates over the importance of judicial review in preserving democracy. After dozens of judicial reform failures since the 1990s, we may be observing some overdue success. It appears that 1990s judicial reforms are making a comeback in Latin America.

All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Journal Articles
Publication Date
Journal Publisher
Journal of Democracy
Authors
Diego A. Zambrano
Number
Number 1
Authors
Rachel Owens
News Type
News
Date
Paragraphs

How and why do armed actors intervene in democratic politics? In a CDDRL seminar series talk, postdoctoral fellow Andres Uribe presented a multifaceted theory explaining the strategies violent groups adopt to influence democratic processes. The talk drew on Uribe’s research on Colombia and Peru.

Uribe shows that armed groups face a choice between co-opting or undermining democracy. More specifically, groups pursuing co-optation try to influence the existing political process through either “corruption” or “capture.” Corruption entails the use of positive inducement to shape the behavior of elected officials or voters, whereas capture entails the use of the threat of force to achieve similar goals.

Those groups seeking to attack democracy do so through two different strategies. The first is “delegitimization,” which could involve attacks on elections and voting sites. The second is “displacement” or the violent removal of the democratic system and its replacement with an entirely different political order.

What determines a given armed group’s choice of strategies (i.e., corruption, capture, delegitimization, or displacement)? The answer, according to Uribe, is determined by the group’s ideological compatibility with democracy and its coercive capacity. Among groups professing ideologies compatible with democracy, they are likely to engage in corruption under low levels of coercive capacity, and capture under higher levels. As for groups whose aims are incompatible with the democratic process, they tend to pursue delegitimization when their coercive capacity is low, and displacement at higher levels of coercive capacity.

Uribe tested his theory based on a paired comparison of Peru’s Sendero Luminioso (SL) and Colombia’s FARC. To characterize each group’s relative ideological compatibility with democratic politics, he drew on a corpus of 7500 documents spanning 21 Latin American countries. He found FARC to be more compatible with democracy than the average armed actor, while SL was less compatible.

To measure coercive capacity, Uribe used data on coca production and cocaine retail pricing in the US as reflective of SL’s and FARC’s military finances. Using casualties in attacks against democracy as an indicator, he found that when FARC possessed a high coercive capacity, there was a slight increase in the number of victims, whereas a similar increase in Sendero’s capacity yielded a 15-fold increase in the number of deaths.

Uribe’s analysis shows that during electoral contests, FARC attempted to reduce the conservative vote share, whereas SL attempted to reduce overall turnout. These outcomes are consistent with Uribe’s theory — FARC’s compatibility with democracy pushes them to work within the system, focusing their attacks on the other party. Sendero, conversely, attempts to prevent all participation in the democratic process.

Uribe’s findings suggest the importance of ideology in understanding how armed actors behave and emphasizes that they do not all share the same motivations. His work also highlights the way some groups play the democratic game using violence, a choice previously seen as mutually exclusive.

Read More

Daniel Chen
News

Can Data Science Improve the Functioning of Courts?

Improving courts’ efficiency is paramount to citizens' confidence in legal institutions and proceedings, explains Daniel Chen, Director of Research at the French National Center for Scientific Research and Professor at the Toulouse School of Economics.
Can Data Science Improve the Functioning of Courts?
María Ignacia Curiel presents during CDDRL's research seminar
News

Do Institutional Safeguards Undermine Rebel Parties?

CDDRL postdoctoral fellow’s findings show that institutional safeguards meant to guarantee the representation of parties formed by former rebel groups may actually weaken such parties’ grassroots support.
Do Institutional Safeguards Undermine Rebel Parties?
Larry Diamond speaks during CDDRL's research seminar
News

Is the World Still in a Democratic Recession?

Is the world still in a democratic recession? Larry Diamond — the Mosbacher Senior Fellow in Global Democracy at FSI — believes it is.
Is the World Still in a Democratic Recession?
Hero Image
All News button
1
Subtitle

In a recent CDDRL seminar, postdoctoral fellow Andres Uribe presented a multifaceted theory explaining the strategies violent groups adopt to influence democratic processes.

Date Label
Authors
Rachel Owens
News Type
News
Date
Paragraphs

In a CDDRL research seminar, postdoctoral fellow María Ignacia Curiel presented her research findings on the impact of institutional safeguards on rebel party mobilization. Commonly found in post-civil war contexts, institutional safeguards, such as guaranteed seats in elected bodies, are often employed to placate rebel groups and integrate them into peaceful politics. They are often viewed as essential to a peaceful democratic transition and preventing future recidivism. But how do these safeguards impact rebel party mobilization? Based on extensive research on Colombia’s “Comunes,” a party established by the rebel group the FARC in 2016, Curiel finds that guaranteed parliamentary representation disincentivized the participation of the party’s civilian base.

Curiel’s study surveyed 251 members of Comunes’ base from 74 municipalities. Of those surveyed, 46 percent were ex-combatants, and the rest were civilians. Participants were asked questions measuring their support for the party, as well as their plans to engage in activities related to the upcoming regional elections, such as voting, campaigning, etc. A randomly assigned audio recording “primed” the subjects by reminding them of the terms of the peace agreement, specifically the stipulation that ten seats of the national legislature would be reserved for Comunes lawmakers. 

Among civilians, those treated with the prime were less likely to invest time in party-building activities relative to the control group. According to Curiel, this is attributed to the fact that those reminded of the seat reservations are more aware that their individual efforts matter less for party survival.

Among ex-combatants, however, there was no distinguishable difference in commitment to party building across primed and non-primed groups. The lack of an observed effect, Curiel argues, is not surprising, considering that ex-combatants were once willing to pursue violence on behalf of the party’s founding movement, hence their commitment to contribute to the party regardless of institutional safeguards. They may also hold closer ties to rebel commanders who now hold political positions in Congress. 

Curiel’s findings show that institutional safeguards meant to guarantee the representation of parties formed by former rebel groups may actually weaken such parties’ grassroots support.

Hero Image
All News button
1
Subtitle

CDDRL postdoctoral fellow’s findings show that institutional safeguards meant to guarantee the representation of parties formed by former rebel groups may actually weaken such parties’ grassroots support.

Date Label
Authors
News Type
News
Date
Paragraphs

During an April 18 address at Stanford University, Colombian President Gustavo Petro delivered a dire warning about the climate crisis and urged the world’s nations to transition to cleaner and greener energy.

“We are living in times that are the beginning of the extinction of humankind,” said President Petro, noting that the changes in climate are already visible and have greatly accelerated since the dawn of the Industrial Age a few centuries ago.

"The logical and coherent answer, like the one given at the end of the 19th century, is that humanity would have to organize itself to undertake a world revolution against capital," said Petro, who was elected in 2022 on a democratic reformist agenda. 

The Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL), in partnership with the Center for Latin American Studies, Stanford in Government, and the Stanford Society for Latin American Politics, sponsored and hosted the event, which was largely organized by students. 

The markets will not fix the climate crisis and save humanity.
Gustavo Petro
President of Colombia

President Petro, an economist by training who specializes in environmental and population development, said, “We have an economic system that links cheap labor, carbon-based fuels, and profits” and “we’re facing a very serious global political problem — the problems of World War II, the Cold War are nothing compared to what we’re facing now.”

Humankind, Petro said, must “join together in a revolution against capital.” He called for more “power to the people” and that all states around the world operate in a multilateral approach to address ways to alleviate the climate crisis.

“The markets will not fix the climate crisis and save humanity,” and a new type of economy, one that’s not driven by carbon-based profits but by the general welfare of all people, must emerge to ensure the survival of future generations.

He said the origins of the crisis began with the current Anthropocene Era, which describes the most recent period in Earth’s history when human activity started to have a significant impact on the planet's climate and ecosystems. The “greedy and never-ending consumption of products related to fossil fuel energy” has landed humanity in its current predicament.

“We, the consumers, are the guilty and the ones to blame,” Petro said.

The Colombian president said that fossil fuels are used to maximize profits and that the climate crisis is the logical result of the accumulation of capital in the hands of a few.

And on top of this, he added, the political and economic establishments haven’t historically listened to the science about what happens when carbon is issued into the atmosphere and the social imbalance that follows. He expressed doubt that the current system of capitalism can achieve environmental progress based on the current data he observes.

“To leave markets with free reign will not lead to the maximum well-being of all, but virtually to extinction,” he said.

He concluded, “We are running out of time.”

On April 20, President Joe Biden will host President Petro for a bilateral meeting at the White House to discuss topics such as climate change, and economic and security cooperation.

Petro won Colombia’s presidential election in June 2022 with the support of voters frustrated by rising poverty and violence. He has vowed to bring peace to his nation of 50 million after decades of conflict. Time magazine recently named him one of the “100 Most Influential People of 2023.”

Under Petro, Colombia earlier this year announced that it will not approve any new oil and gas exploration projects as it seeks to shift away from fossil fuels and toward a new sustainable economy.

Gustavo Petro speaks with FSI faculty
President Petro (left) in conversation with a small group of FSI faculty. Clockwise from the president: Michael McFaul, Beatriz Magaloni, Kathryn Stoner, Alberto Díaz-Cayeros, and Héctor Hoyos. | Rod Searcey

Student-driven event


Alberto Díaz-Cayeros, a senior fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI), affiliated faculty at CDDRL, and director of Stanford’s Center for Latin American Studies, participated in a questions-and-answers session with the audience and Petro after the president’s address. Michael McFaul, director of FSI, and Kathyrn Stoner, Mosbacher Director of CDDRL, both introduced Petro before his remarks.

In an email interview, Díaz-Cayeros explained that Colombia has weathered a four-decades-long civil war. Now, Petro will manage various high-stakes issues in his country, including an ambitious overhaul of the health system, a restart of the peace process, and the role of the mining and oil industries, among others.

“This visit is important as Stanford considers its engagement with Latin America and our hemisphere,” said Díaz-Cayeros, adding that it can refocus attention to a region of the world that is fundamentally important for California, the U.S.,  Stanford, and even Silicon Valley.

Héctor Hoyos, Professor and Director of Iberian and Latin American Cultures, and Professor of Comparative Literature (by courtesy), added that “it was great to see Stanford students come together to engage with an influential figure for hemispheric politics." Hoyos went on to note that civility and openness to different points of view were hallmarks of the event, which also included Bay Area community members.

Tara Hein, ‘23, CDDRL honors student and co-founder & co-president of the Stanford Society for Latin American Politics, led the student-driven effort to host the Colombian president.

Born and raised in Costa Rica, Hein was inspired to host Petro due to her goals of strengthening democracy, realizing the promise of political equality in Latin America, and connecting Stanford's expertise to the world beyond campus. “This can make life better for millions,” she said.

Highlighting the need to bridge academia and policy, Hein explained, “At Stanford, we’re tremendously privileged to have leading scholars and abundant resources to tackle the world’s most pressing issues. But if these learnings stay here on campus, or within intellectual circles, the impact will remain limited. We must not forget that there are real people being affected by the very events that we research and study.”

By inviting Colombia’s president to Stanford, her student community hopes to spark a larger dialogue between academic spaces such as CDDRL and democratic world leaders like Petro, she said.

Gustavo Petro and fans
At the conclusion of the event, attendees took photos with the President. | Rod Searcey

Read More

Fisher Family Honors Program Class of 2024
News

Introducing Our 2023-24 CDDRL Honors Students

We are thrilled to welcome ten outstanding students, who together represent eleven different majors and minors and hail from four countries, to our Fisher Family Honors Program in Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law.
Introducing Our 2023-24 CDDRL Honors Students
President Sauli Niinistö of Finland participates in a panel of Finnish and Stanford scholars at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies.
News

President Sauli Niinistö of Finland Discusses Security Cooperation and Defense with FSI Scholars

As the war in Ukraine continues to reshape security needs in Europe and globally, scholars from the Freeman Spogli Institute agree that Finland can play a unique leadership role in defense and cybersecurity alliances.
President Sauli Niinistö of Finland Discusses Security Cooperation and Defense with FSI Scholars
Hero Image
All News button
1
Subtitle

The event, which was largely student-driven, aimed to foster dialogue on how the Stanford community can engage with Latin America.

-
A Conversation with Colombian President Gustavo Petro

Environmental and Social Justice:
A Look from Latin America


The Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law is honored to host the President of Colombia, Gustavo Petro Urrego.

The world today is facing unprecedented economic, social, and environmental dynamics. As the global community continues to navigate these changes and challenges, political leaders seek to articulate fresh visions on how countries may steer a clear course. President Petro will provide a perspective from Latin America on the critical issues of environmental and social justice.

Following the president’s remarks, he will join Professor Alberto Díaz-Cayeros, Senior Fellow at FSI and director of the Stanford Center for Latin American Studies, for a discussion on the challenges of climate change, economic growth, and social inclusion that have historically bedeviled development in Latin America.

IMPORTANT: Large bags are not permitted into the building. All bags are subject to be searched. Seating is not guaranteed and is available on a first-come first-served basis. Please plan accordingly.

The event will also be available to livestream below.

This event is co-sponsored by the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, the Center for Latin American Studies, Stanford in Government, and the Stanford Society for Latin American Politics.

 

Image
CDDRL, CLAS, SIG, and SSLAP logos

 

MEDIA CONTACT:
Nora Sulots, CDDRL Communications Manager

CEMEX Auditorium
Stanford Graduate School of Business
655 Knight Way, Stanford, CA 94305

SOLD OUT. Please tune into the livestream if you do not have a ticket. Only those registered may attend in person.

Panel Discussions
Paragraphs

On December 2, 2021, Twitter announced that it had suspended a network of accounts that engaged in a political spam operation in support of the Venezuelan government. According to Twitter’s attribution language, real people were encouraged to engage in spammy behaviors to show their support for Nicolás Maduro and his political party. According to Twitter, financial compensation may have been offered to accounts for sufficient engagement in bolstering Maduro’s messaging. Our assessment of the accounts shared suggested that the set may be more accurately characterized as four or five distinct groups linked to each other only by mentions of common public figures or popular hashtags and by behavior that violates similar parts of Twitter’s policies. The network included accounts that reported locations in Venezuela, Colombia and Mexico, and engaged in automated tweeting behavior through the use of bots and feeds. The three regional groups were distinct and tweeted about different topics. In our assessment, we could not verify that these accounts were directly linked to tweet-for-hire schemes, although the Venezuelan accounts used behaviors described in prior reporting on this tactic. Other accounts in the network shared behavior similar to more commercial tweet-for-hire schemes: they promoted a mix of commercial brands and political hashtags. The accounts that reported their location as Mexico specifically engaged in behavior that amplified support for regional Mexican politicians. Shortly before the network was suspended, a small cluster of new accounts accounts furiously tweeted for the release of Alex Saab, a close ally of the Venezuelan president who was recently extradited from Cape Verde and is currently awaiting trial in Miami on charges of money laundering.

All Publications button
1
Publication Type
Case Studies
Publication Date
Journal Publisher
Stanford Internet Observatory
Authors
Ronald E. Robertson
Subscribe to Colombia