This two day conference will examine the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) to expand freedom and generate more pluralistic flows of ideas and information in authoritarian contexts. Through presentation of papers and panel sessions, three key themes will be explored:
How individuals in authoritarian countries are using liberation technologies (particularly the internet and mobile phones) to expand pluralism and freedom.
How authoritarian states are censoring, constraining, monitoring, and punishing the use of ICT for that purpose.
How citizens and groups can circumvent authoritarian censorship and control of these technologies.
Discussion will focus on these challenges generally and also specific developments in countries such as China, Iran, Cuba, Burma, and North Korea, as well as Russia and selected Arab authoritarian regimes.
The conference is sponsored by the Program on Liberation Technology at the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law at Stanford, in cooperation with the Hoover Institution.
Since the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 and the ensuing alteration of the regional balance of power in favor of Iran, Saudi Arabia has looked at the world through an Iranian and Shiite prism, writes CDDRL Visiting Associate Professor Joshua Teitelbaum in "The Shiites of Saudi Arabia," published in Current Trends in Islamist Ideology. This prism, he notes, affects the way it views its neighbor across the Gulf, its position in the Arab and Islamic world, and its own Shiite population.
Encina Hall
616 Serra Street
Stanford, CA 94305-6055
0
sagolkar@stanford.edu
Saeid Golkar is an Iranian political scientist who finished his
Ph.D. at the Department of Political Science
at Tehran University in June 2008, with a dissertation entitled
"Power and Resistance, State and University in Post Revolutionary Iran". He iscurrently
in residence at Stanford University's Center on Democracy,
Development, and the Rule of Law. From 2004 to 2009, he was a lecturer in the
Department of Social Sciences at Azad University, in Iran, where
he taught undergraduate courses on the political sociology
of Iran and sociology of war and military forces. His research interests
encompass politics of authoritarian regime, political sociology
of Iran, political violence and democracy promotion in
the Middle East. Recent publications include articles in the Journal of
Middle East quarterly, Middle East brief.
Haystack, a circumvention tool, emerged in the wake of the repression after the Iranian election of June 2009. After achieving considerable public prominence, its use and distribution was recently halted. Important questions have been raised about Haystack's effectiveness and security, as well as the roots of its reputation. Evgeny Morozov, who emerged as a leading critic of Haystack, and Daniel Calascione, who wrote the Haystack code, will discuss the Haystack experience and the lessons it carries for circumvention technologies and, more broadly, for the evaluation and political deployment of new information technologies.
Daniel Colascione co-founded the Censorship Research Center in June 2009 in the aftermath of the Iranian election and has had a lifelong interest in internet freedom and technological measures to mitigate censorship. He created the Haystack anti-censorship system and holds a BSc in Computer Science from the SUNY University at Buffalo.
Evgeny Morozov is a visiting scholar in the Liberation Technology Program at Stanford University and a Scwhartz fellow at the New America Foundation. He is also a blogger and contributing editor to Foreign Policy Magazine. He is a former Yahoo fellow at the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy at Georgetown University and a former fellow at the Open Society Institute, where he remains on the board of the Information Program. His book The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom will be published by PublicAffairs in early January 2011.
Wallenberg Theater
Daniel Coloscione
Formerly, Technology Director
Speaker
Censorship Research Center
Program on Liberation Technology
616 Serra Street E108
Stanford, California 94305
0
Morozov.png
Evgeny Morozov is a visiting scholar in the Liberation Technology Program at Stanford University and a Scwhartz fellow at the New America Foundation. He is also a blogger and contributing editor to Foreign Policy Magazine. He is a former Yahoo fellow at the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy at Georgetown University and a former fellow at the Open Society Institute, where he remains on the board of the Information Program. His book The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom was published by PublicAffairs in January 2011.
Evgeny Morozov
Visiting Scholar
Speaker
Stanford University
With the departure of the last U.S. combat brigade from Iraq, the Obama administration has taken a big step toward its goal of American military withdrawal form Iraq by the end of 2011, writes Larry Diamond for cnn.com. Although there are many other signs of progress, the new milestone in U.S. military disengagement comes at a moment when Iraq is starting to slip backward on the political and the security fronts.
With the departure of the last U.S. combat brigade from Iraq, the Obama administration has taken a large stride toward its goal of complete American military withdrawal from Iraq by the end of next year. And there are many other signs of progress.
The rate of Iraqi civilian deaths in political violence has fallen by 90 percent from its awful peak in 2006, before "the surge" in American forces and strategy began to roll back the insurgent challenge.
American military deaths in Iraq have fallen to 46 so far this year, by far the lowest level since the American invasion in March 2003, and again a 90 percent decline from the pace of casualties in 2007. In March of this year, Iraq held the most democratic election any Arab country has held in a generation (with the possible exception of Lebanon).
Unfortunately, however, the new milestone in U.S. military disengagement from Iraq comes at a moment when the country is starting to slip backward on both the political and security fronts.
Since the March 7 parliamentary election results were announced, the country's major political alliances have remained hopelessly deadlocked on the formation of a new coalition government. Despite months of negotiations and repeated imploring from high-level U.S. government officials, Iraq's major leaders and parties remain unable to agree on who should be prime minister or how power should be shared.
As Iraq staggers on essentially without a government, electricity and other services remain sporadic, economic reconstruction is delayed and terrorist violence is once again filling the breach. In the deadliest single incident in months, at least 48 people died and more than 140 were injured on Tuesday when a suicide bomber struck outside an army recruiting center in downtown Baghdad.
As the American troops withdraw, Iraq is also losing top government officials, judges and police officers to a rising pace of targeted assassinations. All of this has the familiar signature of al Qaeda in Iraq, although it is difficult to attribute responsibility among the shadowy web of insurgent groups.
Complicating the political impasse are deep continuing divisions along sectarian lines. Iraq's Sunni Arab minority -- which ruled under Saddam Hussein but was marginalized in the wake of his downfall -- bet heavily on the electoral process this time, in marked contrast to the first parliamentary election in 2005.
But the Sunni Arabs were the main group affected when more than 400 parliamentary candidates were disqualified earlier this year for alleged Baathist ties. Now they feel doubly aggrieved in that the political alliance they overwhelmingly supported in March -- former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi's al-Iraqiya list -- is being blocked from leading the new government, even though it finished a narrow first in the voting.
The obstacle to a political solution in Baghdad is not only the pair of Shiite-dominated political lists (including that of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, who finished second in the vote), but, it is widely believed, the Islamic Republic of Iran, which cannot abide an Iraqi prime minister over whom it does not exercise substantial leverage. Indeed, the only two interests that benefit from Iraq's drift are al Qaeda in Iraq and the hardliners in Iran.
President Obama deserves more than a little sympathy as he confronts this thorny situation. Although he opposed the war in Iraq, he essentially accepted the Bush administration's measured timetable for American military drawdown. Particularly at a time when the budget deficit is soaring and the war in Afghanistan demands more military and financial resources, Obama and most other Americans would like to be out of Iraq completely by yesterday.
But accelerating or even completing the timetable for American military withdrawal in Iraq may only compound the gathering crisis there, for two reasons.
First, as the recent spike in violence is meant to suggest, it is not yet clear that Iraq's security forces are even close to being able to handle the country's security on their own. Privately, most Iraqi political actors (Sunni, Shia and Kurd) would like to see some sort of continued American military presence well beyond 2011. Many worry not only about Iraq's internal security but also about growing Iranian dominance once the United States is completely gone.
And second, U.S. political influence declines markedly as the American military presence phases out.
The worst thing the United States could do at the moment is to take Iraq for granted.
The Obama administration has had the right instinct in trying to press for and facilitate a political breakthrough in Baghdad, but more needs to be done and soon, while the United States still retains significant leverage.
The situation may now require the designation of a high-level American official or envoy to devote sustained attention to the stalemate in Iraq, while working closely with high-level representatives from the United Nations and the European Union. Such combined diplomatic leverage and mediation broke a dangerous political stalemate in Iraq in 2005 and might help again.
One thing should be clear. No matter what one may think of the original decision to invade Iraq (which I still believe was a mistake), Iraq has come too far and the United States has paid too dearly to now stand by and watch it sink back needlessly into chaos.
Distinguished Visiting Austrian Chair Professor, 2001-2002
Visiting Scholar, FSI, 2008 and 2012
Heinz_Gaertner.jpg
PhD
Prof. Heinz Gärtner is academic director (since 2013) at the Austrian Institute for International Affairs (oiip) in Vienna, Austria and senior scientist at the University of Vienna. He is Lecturer at the National Defense Academy and at the Diplomatic Academy in Vienna. He was a Fulbright Fellow at the World Policy Institute as well as the Visiting Austrian Chair at Stanford University in 2001-2002. In 2008 he held again a Fulbright Professorship at the Freeman Spogli Institute (FSI). In 2012 he was Visiting Professor at the FSI. Heinz Gärtner was visiting Professor at St. Hugh's College, Oxford (1992), and at the Institute for International Relations, Vancouver, Canada (1993), and at the University of Erlangen (Germany) (1994/95). He lectures often at other American, European, and Asian universities and research institutes. Heinz Gärtner has received international recognition for his work on European, international security, and arms control. He is also a frequent commentator on European and Austrian television, radio, and print media, including CNN Europe and the BBC. He also acts as a Special Adviser to the Austrian Ministry of Defense. He was academic member of the Austrian delegation of the Wassenaar arms export control arrangement in the framework of the Austrian presidency (2005). He supervised several large projects on NATO, and comprehensive security, and arms control. Heinz Gärtner received the Bruno Kreisky (legendary former Austrian Chancellor) Award for most outstanding Political Books: “Models of European Security“ (1998). Gärtner holds several international, and European, and Austrian academic memberships.
Heinz Gärtner is the author of numerous academic articles and books.
Some of his books are:
Die neue Rolle der USA und Europa (America’s New Role and Europe), (lit-Verlag: Münster), 2012.
Obama and the Bomb: The Vision of a World free of Nuclear Weapons (ed.), (Peter Lang publisher: Frankfurt-New York- Vienna; 2011).
USA – Weltmacht auf neuen Wegen: Die Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik Barack Obamas, (America - World Power breaks New Ground), third updated edition, (lit-Verlag: Münster), 2010.
Internationale Sicherheit - Definitionen von A-Z (International Security - Definitions from A-Z), second revised and extended edition, (Nomos: Baden-Baden), 2008.
European Security and Transatlantic Relations after September 11 and the Iraq War, editor together with Ian Cuthbertson, (Palgrave-MacMillan: Houndmills), 2005.
Small States and Alliances, editor together with Erich Reiter, (Springer: Berlin) 2001, 300 pages.
Europe’s New Security Challenges, editor together with Adrian Hyde-Price and Erich Reiter, (Lynne Rinner: Boulder/London) 2001, 470 pages.
Heinz Gärtner also is editor of the books series “International Security” (Publisher: Peter Lang).
Some of his recent academic articles are:
Deterrence and Disarmament, Europe’s World online, 26 02 2012.
The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and Libya,” Europe’s World online, 02 07 2011.
A Nuclear-Weapon Zone in the Middle East, Europe’s World online, 24 05 2011.
A year of Amano's leadership in IAEA, Bulletin of American Atomic Scientists, December, 2011.
Non-proliferation & Engagement: Iran & North Korea should not let the opportunity slip by, Defense & Security Analysis, Volume 26 edition 3, September 2010.
Towards a Theory of Arms Export Control, International Politics, Vol. 47, 1, January 2010, 125–143.
All too frequently, students of democracy and democratization
view the politics they analyze exclusively through the prism of constitutions,
elections, and political actors. In the case of the Middle East, this involves worn out questions of
religious fundamentalism, neo-colonialism, entrenched autocracy, the politics
of oil and Israel, etc. While all of these are indeed relevant to understanding the
perseverance of authoritarian political structures, it is equally crucial to
understand the dynamics of culture, and the ways in which forms of cultural
expression are developing, and are channeled and managed. In
his recent
analysis
of the region, Hicham Ben Abdallah points out that, while legal and political
authorities certainly define the contours of what is permissible or not, it is
the shared system of collective beliefs which in turn shapes the law and
politics, and it is in the realm of culture that these shared beliefs are
produced and consumed. The wearing of veil, for example, is not mandated
by any legislation outside of Saudi Arabia and Iran, and yet it a growing
practice throughout the region, part of an increasingly powerful salafist ideological
norm that is at least as powerful as any law.
Contrary to the hastily-borrowed western-paradigm of an
inexorable development of secularism leading to an inevitable development of
democracy, Ben
Abdallah
demonstrates the proliferation of cultural practices in which result societies,
and individuals, learn to live in a complex mix of parallel and conflicting
ideological tendencies -- with the increasing Islamicization of everyday
ideology developing alongside the proliferation of de-facto secular forms of
cultural production, even as both negotiate for breathing room under the aegis
of an authoritarian state.
He finds any prospects for democratization complicated by parallel
tacit alliances. On the one hand, a modus vivendi between the state and
fundamentalists, in which the latter is permitted to Islamicize society, and is
sometimes allowed a carefully-delimited participation in state structures,
under the condition they restrain from attempting radically to reform the
state. On the other hand intellectuals and artists refrain from frontal
assaults on autocratic state structures, subtly limiting their militancy to
non-controversial causes, while seeking the state's protection from extremism;
their aim is to maintain some protected space of quasi-secular liberalism in
the present, which they hope portends the promise of democracy to come.
For its part, the state is learning how to manage and take
advantage of a segmented cultural scene by posing as the restraining force
against extreme enforcement of the salafist norm, and by channeling forms of
modernist cultural expression into established systems of institutional
and patronage rewards (for "high" culture) and into a commercialized
process of "festivalization" (for popular culture) that ends up as a
celebration of an abstract, de politicized "Arab" identity.
Ben Abdallah refers us to the deep history of Islam, which protected
and developed divergent cultural and intellectual influences as the patrimony
of mankind. He suggests a new paradigm of cultural and intellectual
discourse, inspired by this history while also understanding the necessity for
political democratization and cultural
modernism. We must, he argues, be unafraid to face the challenges in the
tension between the growing influence of a salafist norm and the widespread
embrace of new, implicitly secular, cultural practices throughout the Arab
world.
New Draper Hills Summer Fellows come to Stanford to study linkages between democracy, development, and the rule of law
Rising leaders from a diverse group of nations in transition, including China, Russia, Ukraine, Syria, Iran, Iraq,
Pakistan, Egypt, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Nigeria arrived on campus on July 25 for a three-week seminar as Draper Hills Summer Fellows on Democracy and
Development. Initiated by FSI's Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule
of Law (CDDRL) six years ago, the program has created a network of some 139
leaders from 62 transitioning countries.
This year's exceptional class of
23 fellows includes a deputy minister of Ukraine, current and former members of parliament (including a deputy speaker), leading attorneys and rule
of law experts, civic activists, journalists, international
development practitioners, and founders of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). (One fellow needed to withdraw because he was named to the Cabinet of the new Philippine president, Noynoy Aquino).
Draper Hills Summer Fellows are innovative, courageous, and
committed leaders, who strive to improve governance, enhance civic
participation, and invigorate development under very challenging
circumstances" - Larry Diamond"Draper Hills Summer Fellows are innovative, courageous, and
committed leaders, who strive to improve governance, enhance civic
participation, and invigorate development under very challenging
circumstances," says CDDRL Director Larry Diamond. "This year's fellows are
an inspiring group. They have come here to learn from us, but even more so from one another. And we will learn much from them, about
the progress they are making and the obstacles they confront as they work to build democracy, improve government
accountability, strengthen the rule of law, energize civil society, and enhance
the institutional environment for broadly shared economic growth."
The three-week
seminar is taught by an interdisciplinary team of leading Stanford faculty. In
addition to Diamond, faculty include FSI Senior Fellow and CDDRL Deputy
Director Kathryn Stoner; Stanford President Emeritus Gerhard Casper; FSI
Deputy Director and political science Professor Stephen D. Krasner; Olivier
Nomellini Senior Fellow Francis Fukuyama; professor of political science,
philosophy, and law Joshua Cohen; professor of pediatrics and Stanford Health
Policy core faculty Paul H. Wise; visiting associate professor Beth van Schaack;
FSI Senior Fellow Helen Stacy; Walter P. Falcon, deputy director, Program on Food
Security and the Environment; Erik Jensen, co-director of the Stanford Law School's Rule of Law Program; Avner Greif,
professor of economics; Rick Aubry, lecturer in management, Stanford Graduate School of Business; and Nicholas Hope, director,
Stanford Center on International Development.
Other leading experts who will engage the fellows include
President of the National Endowment for Democracy Carl Gershman, United States
Court of Appeals Judge Pamela Rymer, International Center on Nonviolent
Conflict founding chair Peter Ackerman, Omidyar Network partner Matt Halprin,
Conservation International's Olivier Langrand, executives of leading Silicon
Valley companies, such as Google and Facebook, and media and nonprofit organizations in the
Bay Area. Michael McFaul, a
Stanford political science professor and former CDDRL director, who now serves
on the National Security Council as President Obama's chief advisor on Russia,
will come to campus to teach a session on U.S. foreign policy in the Obama
administration.
The demanding, but compelling curriculum will devote the first
week of the seminar to defining the fundamentals of democracy, good governance, economic development, and the rule of
law. In the second week, faculty
will turn to democratic and economic transitionsand the feedback mechanisms between democracy,
development, and a predictable rule of law. This week will include offerings
on liberation technology, social entrepreneurship, and issues raised by
development and the environment.
The third week will turn to the critical - and often controversial -
role of international assistance to foster and support democracy, judicial
reform, and economic development, including the proper role of foreign aid.
Our program helps to create a broader community of
global activists and practitioners, intent on sharing experiences to bring
positive change to some of the world's most troubled countries and regions" - Kathryn Stoner-Weiss The fellows themselves also lead discussions, focused on the
concrete challenges they face in their ongoing work in political and economic
development. "Fellows come to realize that they are often engaged in solving
similar problems - such as endemic corruption in different country contexts,"
says Kathryn Stoner-Weiss. "Our program helps to create a broader community of
global activists and practitioners, intent on sharing experiences to bring
positive change to some of the world's most troubled countries and regions."
The program has received generous gifts from donors William
Draper III and Ingrid Hills. Bill
Draper made his gift in honor of his father, Maj. Gen. William H. Draper, Jr.,
a chief advisor to Gen. George Marshall and chief diplomatic administrator of
the Marshall Plan in Germany, who confronted challenges comparable to those
faced by Draper Hills Summer Fellows in building democracy, a market economy,
and a rule of law, often in post-conflict conditions. Ingrid von Mangoldt
Hills, made her gift in honor of her husband, Reuben Hills, president and
chairman of Hills Bros. Coffee and a leading philanthropist. The Hills project
they ran for 12 years improved the lives of inner city children and Ingrid saw
in the Summer Fellows Program a promising opportunity to improve the lives of
so many people in developing countries.
Thanking the program's benefactors, Larry Diamond says, "The benefit to
CDDRL faculty and researchers is incalculable, and we are deeply grateful for the vision and generosity of Bill Draper and Ingrid Hills." As he and Kathryn Stoner-Weiss
state, "The Draper Hills Summer Fellows Program allows us to interact with a highly,
talented group of emerging leaders in political and economic development from diverse countries and regions. They
benefit from exposure to the faculty's cutting edge work, while we benefit from
a cycle of feedback on whether these ideas work in the field." Like CDDRL, which bridges academic
theory and policy, the Draper Hills Summer Fellows Program, they note, "is an
ideal marriage between democratic and development theory and practice."
William J. Perry, former secretary of defense, and Siegfried S. Hecker, former director of Los Alamos National Laboratory, have joined forces to launch the Nuclear Risk Reduction initiative to address the changing nuclear threat following the end of the Cold War and the rise of international terrorism. The project is based at the Center for International Security and Cooperation (CISAC), which Hecker co-directs.
"I have worked with Sig for many years, both inside and outside government," Perry said. "I am particularly pleased to have such an able collaborator on this effort, which I have said is the work to which I will dedicate the rest of my career."
Hecker said he is excited to work with Perry to reduce the global nuclear threat. "Our primary objectives will be to work toward a world with fewer weapons, to have fewer fingers on the nuclear trigger and to keep nuclear weapons and materials out of the wrong hands," he said. "Time is of the essence both because of the urgency of the threat and because of the renewed hope that major powers are willing to take serious steps to realize these goals."
Hecker and Perry, both giants in the field of nuclear defense and security, plan to bring their considerable experience and associations with the U.S. and international policy, military and scientific communities to achieve these objectives.
The Nuclear Risk Reduction initiative (NRR) builds on the work of the Preventive Defense Project (PDP) that was established at Stanford and Harvard 13 years ago under the leadership of Perry and Ashton B. Carter, a former assistant secretary of defense in the Clinton administration. The two men, during their time in government, tackled some of the most important security issues following the breakup of the Soviet Union through promoting the concept of preventive defense, which seeks to diminish the possibility of potential threats escalating into actual threats and conflict. Carter is serving currently in the Obama administration as undersecretary of defense for acquisition, technology and logistics.
Hecker, as director of Los Alamos, was instrumental in creating the U.S. nuclear weapons stockpile stewardship program to meet the challenges of the post-Cold War environment without nuclear testing. He also helped reduce the nuclear threat posed by Russia and other republics in the chaotic years that followed the breakup of the Soviet Union. At Stanford, he has expanded his activities to include work in Northeast Asia, South Asia and the Middle East.
NRR's three-prong approach for making the world a safer place:
1. Working toward a world free of nuclear weapons
Perry, along with former secretaries of state George Shultz and Henry Kissinger, and former Sen. Sam Nunn, launched a joint effort in 2007 to refocus world attention on the critical need to eliminate nuclear weapons, starting with practical measures to make the world a safer place. President Obama, who has embraced this vision, has begun to adopt policies that will move the United States in this direction. The New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START), signed April 8, 2010, by Obama and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, reduces the number of strategic arsenals in each country to 1,550 warheads. Now Perry and Hecker, through NRR, are conducting a risk/benefit analysis of ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), another critical piece of legislation linked to nuclear weapon reductions. They will also explore with Russian colleagues deeper cuts in their respective nuclear arsenals along with engaging other nuclear weapons states on such critical issues.
2. Preventing proliferation of nuclear weapons
Perry and Hecker believe the risk of using nuclear weapons increases as more countries acquire them. Much of their focus is on the nuclear programs in North Korea and Iran, both of which threaten international peace and stability. In addition, as more states possess nuclear weapons and materials, it will become increasingly likely that fissile materials for an improvised nuclear device could fall into the hands of sub-national groups or terrorists.
Meanwhile, if there is to be a global renaissance of nuclear power, nations must learn how to manage potential proliferation risks associated with nuclear reactors and their fuel cycles. This is particularly critical if nuclear power spreads to developing countries that have expressed interest in this form of energy, since many have neither the requisite technological basis nor political stability to guarantee security.
3. Preventing nuclear terrorism
The 2010 Nuclear Security Summit in Washington, D.C. highlighted the importance of keeping nuclear weapons out of the hands of terrorists. As President Obama stated, "It is increasingly clear that the danger of nuclear terrorism is one of the greatest threats to global security-to our collective security." Despite this, some nations view the terrorist threat with less alarm. NRR plans to engage the technical and military leadership in key countries to promote a common understanding of the dangers posed by such threats and what steps are needed to mitigate them.
President Obama also warned, "Nuclear materials that could be sold or stolen and fashioned into a nuclear weapon exist in dozens of nations." Harvard's Graham Allison stated if countries could, "Lock down all nuclear weapons and bomb-usable material as securely as gold in Fort Knox, they [could] reduce the likelihood of a nuclear 9/11 to nearly zero." During the Nuclear Summit, Obama announced a goal to "lock down" all nuclear materials by 2014. This is a laudable objective, but Perry and Hecker know it will require much more than physical security to protect nuclear sites worldwide. The two men will work toward a cooperative, global effort to help countries develop modern, comprehensive nuclear safeguard systems that can provide proper control and accounting, along with physical protection.
Hecker has experience regarding such work. In 1994, he initiated a nuclear materials protection, control and accounting program (the lab-to-lab program) with Russia's nuclear complex. Perry and Hecker, through NRR, plan to reinvigorate and broaden the scientific cooperation that existed between the United States and Russia in the 1990s. Moreover, they plan to collaborate with the technical, military and policy communities in key countries to realize NRR's ambitious agenda of making the world a safer and more secure place.
U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations and former FSI Advisory Board member Susan Rice '86 urged Stanford's graduating class to fight global poverty, conflict, and repression, saying "These massive disparities erode our common security and corrode our common humanity." Conflict-ridden states not only cause suffering for their people, she noted. "Poor and fragile states can incubate threats that spread far beyond borders -- terrorism, pandemic disease, nuclear proliferation, criminal networks" and more. "In our interconnected world," she said, " a threat to development anywhere is a threat to security everywhere."
When Susan Rice graduated from Stanford in 1986, the Soviet Union was
a formidable foe, China barely registered on the global economic scene
and the first computer laptops – weighing in at 12 pounds each – were
just hitting the market.
And if someone had told her that she'd serve in the Cabinet of the
country's first black president as ambassador to the United Nations, "I
would've asked them what they were smoking."
But in her remarks delivered during Stanford University's 119th
Commencement on Sunday, Rice put the advances of the past 24 years in
perspective. She called the fight against global poverty "not only one
of the great moral challenges of all time, but also one of the great
national security challenges of our time."
"The planet is still divided by fundamental inequalities," she said.
"Some of us live in peace, freedom and comfort while billions are
condemned to conflict, poverty and repression. These massive disparities
erode our common security and corrode our common humanity."
While she did not discuss any specifics of her role as the country's
ambassador to the United Nations or the organization's recent move to
impose a fourth round of sanctions on Iran, Rice did talk about the link
between poverty and security.
"When a country is wracked by war or weakened by want, its people
suffer first. But poor and fragile states can incubate
threats that spread far beyond borders – terrorism, pandemic disease,
nuclear proliferation, criminal networks, climate change, genocide and
more. In our interconnected age, a threat to development anywhere is a
threat to security everywhere." -Ambassador Susan Rice
Rice's address marked a very public return to Stanford. She graduated
with a bachelor's in history from the university as a junior Phi Beta
Kappa and Truman Scholar in 1986.
She was confirmed as ambassador to the United Nations in 2009 after
being nominated by President Obama. It was a job that followed her role
as Obama's senior adviser for national security affairs during his
presidential campaign in 2007 and 2008. Before that, she served as the
country's assistant secretary of state for African affairs and as a
special assistant to President Clinton. She was also a senior director
for African affairs at the National Security Council.
During a trip to a displaced persons camp in war-torn Angola in 1995,
Rice saw firsthand the global poverty she talked about on Sunday. Of
all the people she saw in the camp, she said one of her most striking
memories is the smile she received from a malnourished little boy when
she gave him her baseball cap.
But she's haunted by thoughts of what may have happened to him.
"I had to leave that camp," she said. "And when I did, I left that
little boy in hell. I like to think, and I sure hope, that kid is OK.
But he could well have become one of the 9 million children under the
age of 5 who die each year from preventable and treatable afflictions."
And that boy, she said, should be a symbol to Stanford's graduates of
the challenges that face them and the good they can do in the world.
"That little boy's future is tied to ours," she said. "Our security
is ultimately linked to his well-being. So we must shape the world he
deserves."
Rice's weighty remarks still left room for graduation levity. And the
student procession – known as the Wacky Walk – showcased much of it.
The graduates hit the field of Stanford Stadium with balloons and
signs thanking mom and dad. They were dressed as Egyptian kings and
Vikings, wizards and butterflies. Some wore bathing suits and flowing
togas. Others covered up with costumes paying homage to the pop culture
past of Pac-Man, as well as more timeless pursuits like dominoes and
poker.
It was a final blast of carefree fun for college students about to
contend with an uncertain job market.
"We have everything we need on campus," said Tyler Porras, a
graduating biology major who took to the field with a bolo tie and black
cowboy hat. "Now it's off to the real world where you need to find a
job."
The ceremony marked the award of 1,722 bachelor's degrees, 2,100
master's degrees and 980 doctoral degrees.
Departmental honors were awarded to 365 seniors, and 272 graduated
with university distinction. Another 74 graduated with multiple majors
and 33 received dual bachelor's degrees. There were 110 graduates
receiving both bachelor's and master's degrees.
Among international students, there were 102 undergraduates from 45
countries other than the United States, and 955 graduate students from
75 foreign countries.
"As you leave Stanford, I hope you carry a deep appreciation of the
values and traditions that are everlasting, as well as a willingness to
be bold and to approach challenges with a fresh perspective," Stanford
President John Hennessy told the graduates.
The day also gave parents a time to beam and brag.
"These kids have the potential to contribute so much to the world,"
said Tim Roake, whose daughter, Caitlin Roake, is graduating as a
biology major and is planning to join the Peace Corps.
Roake and his wife, Kathleen Gutierrez, had front-row seats in the
stadium bleachers next to Dave and Lori Gaskin. Their son, Greg, has
been dating Caitlin Roake since their freshman year.
"The last four years for Greg have been such an enriching experience
from an academic perspective but also on a personal level," Lori Gaskin
said. "I attribute that not only to the university but the wonderful
people he's met and the relationships he's made."
Hero Image
At Stanford's 119th commencement, U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Susan Rice urges the class of 2010 to fight poverty and global inequalities.