Ann Thompson
CDDRL
616 Serra St.
Encina Hall
Stanford, CA 94305
The Development of Civil Society in Russia: The Role of the Orthodox Church
CDDRL
616 Serra St.
Encina Hall
Stanford, CA 94305
The Development of Civil Society in Russia: The Role of the Orthodox Church
The Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI) at Stanford University has awarded six seed grants in the first round of funding from the Global Underdevelopment Action Fund. The grants are intended to jumpstart early-stage multidisciplinary research projects that tackle persistent problems of global underdevelopment. The Action Fund, which is supported by expendable gifts from FSI donors, matching funds from the Office of the President, and FSI, grew out of the Institute's spring 2010 conference on Technology, Governance, and Global Development, which featured keynote speaker Bill Gates, together with leaders from business, government, and nonprofit organizations, the media, and the academic community, to examine novel integrative approaches to poverty alleviation and human development around the world. The Action Fund projects range across disciplines, focusing primarily on problems in developing and transitioning societies. The majority of the projects have a health dimension, reflecting the degree to which poor health outcomes mirror a country's development status.
"Stanford is uniquely placed among American universities to bring cutting edge research to bear on practical problems of development. No other institution has lower barriers to multidisciplinary work. The Action Fund award recipients are drawn from many different parts of the university but united in their concern for promoting development," said Stephen D. Krasner, the Graham H. Stuart Professor of International Relations, Senior Associate Dean of the Social Sciences at H&S, and deputy director of FSI.
Six multidisciplinary research teams led by Stanford faculty from across the university will receive a total of $236,000 in seed grants. The projects were selected by a faculty committee chaired by Stephen Krasner, with a focus on early-stage, multidisciplinary, policy-relevant research. All, projects are required to have a training component for Stanford undergraduate or graduate students.
The award-winning projects and their principal investigators are:
Building 460, Room 418
Main Quad
Stanford University
Nancy Ruttenburg is the William Robertson Coe Professor of American Literature in the English Department at Stanford. She also holds courtesy appointments in the Department of Comparative Literature and the Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures. She received the PhD in Comparative Literature from Stanford (1988) and taught at Harvard, Berkeley, and most recently at NYU, where she was chair of the Department of Comparative Literature from 2002-2008. Her research interests lie at the intersection of political, religious, and literary expression in colonial through antebellum America and nineteenth-century Russia, with a particular focus on the development of liberal and non-liberal forms of democratic subjectivity. Related interests include history of the novel, novel theory, and the global novel; philosophy of religion and ethics; and problems of comparative method, especially as they pertain to North American literature and history.
Prof. Ruttenburg is the author of Democratic Personality: Popular Voice and the Trial of American Authorship (Stanford UP, 1998) and Dostoevsky's Democracy (Princeton UP, 2008), and she has recently written on the work of J. M. Coetzee and on Melville’s “Bartleby.” Books in progress include a study of secularization in the postrevolutionary United States arising out of the naturalization of “conscience” as inalienable right, entitled Conscience, Rights, and 'The Delirium of Democracy'; and a comparative work entitled Dostoevsky And for which the Russian writer serves as a lens on the historical development of a set of intercalated themes in the literature of American modernity. These encompass self-making and self-loss (beginning with Frederick Douglass's serial autobiographies); sentimentalism and sadism (in abolitionist fiction); crime and masculinity (including Mailer's The Executioner's Song); and the intersection of race, religious fundamentalism, and radical politics (focusing on the works of James Baldwin and Marilynne Robinson). Her courses will draw from both these projects.
Prof. Ruttenburg is past president of the Charles Brockden Brown Society and has been the recipient of a Guggenheim Fellowship, a National Humanities Center Fellowship, a University of California President's Research Fellowship, as well as fellowships from the Social Science Research Council for Russian and East European Studies, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the American Council for Learned Societies.
An international forum on North Korea was held in Palo Alto on October 26, 2010, in an effort to educate the public on reunifying the two Koreas. The San Francisco Chapter of the National Unification Advisory Council organized the forum. Approximately 150 audience members heard panelists speak about the economic, social, and political challenges that face South Korea today in its preparation for a peaceful reunification, as well as about their visions for the future of North Korea.
Gi-Wook Shin, the director of the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC), moderated the presentations and the panel discussion. The panel of four experts included John Everard, 2010-2011 Pantech Fellow at APARC and a former British ambassador to North Korea, speaking about diplomacy and security; Greg Scarlatoiu, director of public affairs and business issues at the Korea Economic Institute, on economic issues; Sang-Hun Choe, 2010-2011 Fellow in Korean Studies at APARC and a reporter at the International Herald Tribune, on factionalism; and Jung Kwan Lee, the South Korean Consul General in San Francisco, on South Korea's policy toward North Korea.
Everad analyzed North Korea's development during the Cold War of a diplomatic technique by which it repeatedly attempted to play one ally off against another in its relationships with the Soviet Union and China. While arguing that North Korea continues to make effective use of this technique against South Korea, the United States, and the European Union, Everad noted that North Korea's current political uncertainty, following the succession, and its ongoing economic concerns will together create a situation in which it may be very difficult for North Korea to maintain political solidarity.
Scarlatoiu, meanwhile, contended that North Korea's is a post-Stalinist, neo-patrimonial economy. Thus, with recent efforts such as the 2002 market reforms and the 2009 currency reform, the North Korean regime has found itself confronted with a major dilemma. According to Scarlatoiu, while economic reforms are necessary to the long-term survival of the regime, they could also lead to the regime's collapse. This predicament, he added, must be considered as the regime undergoes a leadership transition in the succession to Kim Jong-un.
Choe spoke on the process of succession to Kim Jong-un as well, pointing out that while Kim Jong-un is indisputably the heir to the leadership of North Korea, he has yet to prove his competency as North Korea's future leader. In addition, Choe emphasized that difficulties judging North Korea's intentions and anticipating its behavior stem from the outside world's inability to understand the North Korean leadership and the goals that it truly has in mind.
Finally, Lee stressed that the basic objectives of South Korea's policy on North Korea are to promote a common prosperity and to peacefully resolve North Korean nuclear issues. However, he also made it clear that the South Korean government is seeking to keep North Korean nuclear issues distinct from the issue of inter-Korean relations.
On Monday, an undersea earthquake shook Indonesia's remote Mentawai Islands and triggered a 10-foot tsunami: It has killed at least 272 people, and left 412 missing. The first cargo plane with humanitarian supplies arrived today. Hundreds of miles away in eastern Java, the volcanic Mount Merapi erupted Tuesday and killed at least 30 people.
That's two disasters in less than 24 hours.
Indonesia is no stranger to catastrophe. It is located along the Pacific Ring of Fire, which is one of the most seismically and volcanically volatile areas in the world. Its last sizeable earthquake and tsunami duo struck in December of 2004, killing more than 225,000 people in 14 countries.
But despite the death and destruction of the last 48 hours, Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said today that he doesn't yet see a need for foreign aid or rescue assistance.
So far, only the Philippines and the United States have offered to help Indonesia. But Natalegawa's behavior seems counter-intuitive. In the face of disaster, why would any country preemptively say no to aid?
A look into Indonesia's history reveals latent political sensitivities that may have influenced Natalegawa's decision. Indonesia's first president, Sukarno, was a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement, an organization of countries who are not aligned with or against any major world power.
Indonesia prides itself on its "independent and active" foreign policy, which was first developed by then Vice President Mohammad Hatta on September 2, 1948 in Central Java. "Do we, Indonesians, in the struggle for the freedom of our people and our country, only have to choose between Russia and America?" he asked. "Is not there any other stand that we can take in the pursuit of our ideals?"
The "other stand" became known as "mendayung antara dua karang" or "rowing between two reefs."
Indonesia doesn't want to appear incompetent, or weak, to outside governments, and may also be wary to accept aid for fear of undermining its national legitimacy.
In 2004, Indonesia's acceptance of aid had an arguably negative effect on its citizens. "Though the post-tsunami reconstruction efforts in Aceh were generally successful, the amount of aid did engender some resentment in Jakarta over whether the national government had lost control of the reconstruction, and also potentially altered the economy in Aceh," explains Josh Kurlantzick a fellow for southeast Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations. "So people remember that."
Donald Emmerson, the director of the Southeast Asia Forum at Stanford University's Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, cites several reasons for Natalegawa's response. First, he says, if the Indonesian government solicited foreign aid, it would be inundated with offers. Coordinating offers of assistance right now would be a severe burden on the government.
Then there's the question of scale: so far, the destruction seems manageable in comparison to the 2004 disaster. Still, it's unclear whether Indonesia will be able to adequately respond on its own. "Indonesia is a large country, and its infrastructure is overstretched," Emmerson says. "Its capacity to respond effectively to domestic disasters is not as good as it might be."
The world first became concerned about North Korea's nuclear development program in 1989 through satellite photos of a facility under construction near the town of Yongbyon. Since then, there have been on-again, off-again negotiations with North Korea by the United States, the Republic of Korea (ROK), and other countries in the region to halt and dismantle North Korea's nuclear weapons program.
A consistent strategy focused on dialogue and diplomacy is essential to get out of the current quagmire, urged Song Min-soon, a member of the Korean National Assembly and a former Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade, at a Korean Studies Program public seminar on October 18. Although the United States and the ROK must lead efforts, China's active involvement is also crucial. Resolving the nuclear issue is necessary to help ensure the long-term peace and prosperity of not only the Korean Peninsula but also the entire East Asia region.
Song explored reasons why
previous negotiation attempts failed, especially the lack of a shared vision
among the concerned countries for the future of the peninsula and region. He
suggested that this rendered China less willing to play a stronger role in the
negotiations. The imbalance of power among the negotiating countries is another
significant factor. North Korea's only effective bargaining card is its nuclear
weapons program, argued Song, while countries like the United States have the
capability to offer or withhold important aid, such as energy and development assistance.
Song advocated a firm, direct approach, stating that the United States has not adopted
a real strategy for effecting nuclear disarmament. Instead, it has opted for the
"slogan" of "strategic patience." He cautioned against taking a hard line, such
as the current ROK administration is pursuing. Song expressed the hope that the
United States would focus more on developing a well-planned diplomatic strategy
for resolving the nuclear issue and that the ROK would adopt a more
conciliatory approach toward North Korea.
To move forward in the Six-Party Talks-negotiations among the United States,
the ROK, North Korea, China, the Russian Federation, and Japan-and effectively resolve
the North Korea nuclear issue, Song made several recommendations. He pointed to
the long-term benefit of building trust incrementally by fulfilling small,
strategic commitments to North Korea. To balance the asymmetry of negotiating
cards, Song suggested that the other countries proceed with fulfilling their
commitments and allow North Korea more time to fulfill its own obligations.
Bringing China fully on board by building a logical basis for its involvement
is also a crucial element of the negotiations, he offered. Finally, Song
asserted that the United States, the ROK, and China must develop a shared,
solid vision for peaceful coexistence on the peninsula, taking into account different
scenarios and the roles each country should play.
Song expressed confidence that the approach he outlined would not only eventually resolve the nuclear issue but would also open the way for stability and prosperity for everyone in East Asia, including North Korea.
"North Korea is a real
country with real people getting on with their lives," said John Everard,
former British ambassador to North Korea, to a full-house audience at a Korean Studies
Program (KSP) lunchtime seminar on October 8, 2010. In his introduction of
Everard, David Straub, KSP's associate director, noted the lack of reliable
information about North Korea. Official government information is limited and
everyday life is perhaps even less understood. Everard, who served in North
Korea from 2006-2008, offered a firsthand perspective of ordinary people living
inside North Korea, giving a very human dimension to a country often regarded
only as a closed military state.
The darker side of life in North Korea is poverty, which is more acute now than
in earlier decades. Everard stated that North Korea was ahead of South Korea
economically until the 1970s and that the universal healthcare system put in
place by Kim Il-sung was initially effective. The World Health Organization now
provides most medical care in North Korea. Agriculture, once mechanized, has
largely reverted to animal power and hunger, though not at famine level as it
was in the 1990s, is still a major issue.
Leisure and social time also play a part of life in North Korea. People in
Pyongyang frequent coffee shops and throughout the country neighbors gather for
lively games of chess. Everard explained that daily activities like talking
with family and friends are just as much a part of life in North Korea as they
are in other parts of the world.
A bigger difference in North Korean society is the degree to which piety to the
leading regime and service to the government is significantly integrated into
life. Newly married couples, for example, will wear badges bearing images of
Kim Il-sung pinned to their formal wedding clothes and lay flowers before a
statue of the deceased leader. More than such customs though, Everard noted,
North Korea's military service requirement has the biggest impact on people.
Not only is the duration of eight to ten years significantly longer than the required
one to two years of most countries, military life is also very strenuous.
Social attitudes in North Korea are changing, as are attitudes toward the
outside world. Employees from North Korea now work for South Korean companies
within the successful Kaesong Industrial Zone, which opened in 2004. Foreign
goods, such as clothing, have also made their way into North Korea. People,
suggested Everard, are beginning to modestly aspire to own more material
possessions, like bicycles, and to learn more about the customs and cultures of
other parts of the world.
Everard spoke about North Korea's relations with other countries. China has a
natural interest in the stability of North Korea-its neighbor to the
northeast-for its own welfare and it therefore supports it economically and
politically. Despite a large Russian Federation embassy in Pyongyang, relations
with Russia are not as strong as they were with the old Soviet Union, Everard
said. Although the United States is officially regarded as an aggressor and an
enemy, most people Everard met with did not express animosity toward Americans.
"There is an openness toward warm relations with Americans if political
relations improve," he said.
Everard described the curiosity expressed by North Koreans who asked him about
life in the United States-about everything ranging from music to social
conditions. Audience members-from the United States, China, Japan, South Korea,
and numerous other countries-asked him an equally broad range of questions,
demonstrating that perhaps there is an equal amount of curiosity and
willingness to connect both inside and outside of North Korea.
John Everard is KSP's 2010-2011 Pantech Fellow. The David Straub, generously funded by the Pantech Group of Korea, are intended to cultivate a diverse international community of scholars and professionals committed to and capable of grappling with challenges posed by developments in Korea.
Condoleezza Rice has excelled as a diplomat, political scientist, and
concert pianist. Her achievements run the gamut from helping to oversee
the collapse of communism in Europe and the decline of the Soviet
Union, to working to protect the country in the aftermath of 9-11, to
becoming only the second woman - and the first black woman ever -- to
serve as Secretary of State.
But until she was 25 she never learned to swim.
Not
because she wouldn't have loved to, but because when she was a little
girl in Birmingham, Alabama, Commissioner of Public Safety Bull Connor
decided he'd rather shut down the city's pools than give black citizens
access.
Throughout the 1950's, Birmingham's black middle class
largely succeeded in insulating their children from the most corrosive
effects of racism, providing multiple support systems to ensure the next
generation would live better than the last. But by 1963, when Rice was
applying herself to her fourth grader's lessons, the situation had
grown intolerable. Birmingham was an environment where blacks were
expected to keep their head down and do what they were told -- or face
violent consequences. That spring two bombs exploded in Rice's
neighborhood amid a series of chilling Klu Klux Klan attacks. Months
later, four young girls lost their lives in a particularly vicious
bombing.
So how was Rice able to achieve what she ultimately did?
Her
father, John, a minister and educator, instilled a love of sports and
politics. Her mother, a teacher, developed Condoleezza's passion for
piano and exposed her to the fine arts. From both, Rice learned the
value of faith in the face of hardship and the importance of giving back
to the community. Her parents' fierce unwillingness to set limits
propelled her to the venerable halls of Stanford University, where she
quickly rose through the ranks to become the university's
second-in-command. An expert in Soviet and Eastern European Affairs,
she played a leading role in U.S. policy as the Iron Curtain fell and
the Soviet Union disintegrated. Less than a decade later, at the apex
of the hotly contested 2000 presidential election, she received the
exciting news - just shortly before her father's death - that she would
go on to the White House as the first female National Security Advisor.
As comfortable describing lighthearted family moments as she
is recalling the poignancy of her mother's cancer battle and the heady
challenge of going toe-to-toe with Soviet leaders, Rice holds nothing
back in this remarkably candid telling. This is the story of Condoleezza
Rice that has never been told, not that of an ultra-accomplished world
leader, but of a little girl - and a young woman -- trying to find her
place in a sometimes hostile world and of two exceptional parents, and
an extended family and community, that made all the difference.