In 2003, consumption of IT goods worldwide was $1.5 trillion. Asia represented twenty percent of this total. Even more telling, Asia produced about forty percent of these goods. The continued rise of Asian IT innovation will pose a challenge to the eminence of traditional IT centers, notably Silicon Valley.

Making IT examines the causes as well as the major consequences of the dramatic rise of Asia in this industry. The book systematically analyzes each country's policies and results, on both a national level and, more importantly, in the innovation regions that have developed in each country: Japan's excellence in technology and manufacturing skills; Bangalore, India's late start and sudden explosion; Taiwan's Hsinchu Science-based Park's entrepreneurship and steady growth; Korea's Teheren Valley's impressive development of large companies; Singapore's initial reliance on multinational firms and its more recent switch to a home-developed strategy; and China's Zhongguancun Science Park's encouragement of investment from foreign firms while also promoting a domestic IT industry.

The book outlines the difficulties in the IT industry, including Japan's tendency to keep out most foreign firms and China's poor protection of intellectual property. Developed by the team that brought readers The Silicon Valley Edge, Making IT analyzes why this region has an advantage in this industry, the similarities and differences in the countries' strategies, why companies have clustered in specific localities, and most important, what will be changing in the coming years.

Making IT should leave no doubt that the United States and other countries competing in the global economy will face enormous challenges--and opportunities--responding to the rise of an innovative Asia.

Contributors

• Jun-Woo Bae, Graduate School of Management, Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology (KAIST)
• Zong-Tae Bae, Graduate School of Management, Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology (KAIST)
• Rafiq Dossani, Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, Stanford University
• Kyonghee Han, Department of Human and Community Development, University of California, Davis
• Ken-ichi Imai, former Senior Fellow, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, Stanford University
• Martin Kenney, Department of Human and Community Development, University of California, Davis
• Jong-Gie Kim, Graduate School of Business and Economics in Information, Myongji University
• Kark Bum Lee, Information and Communications University, School of Management
• Noboru Maeda, Graduate School of Creative Cities, Osaka City University
• Sam Ock Park, College of Social Sciences, Seoul National University
• Jon Sandelin, Office of Technology Licensing (OTL), Stanford University
• Chintay Shih, College of Technology Management, National Tsing-Hua University
• Sang-Mok Suh, Myongji University
• Shoko Tanaka, ST Research
• Toru Tanigawa, Kyushu University
• Kung Wang, Graduate Institution of Industrial Economics, National Central University
• Yi-Ling Wei, Industrial Economics and Knowledge Center, Industrial Technology Research Institute
• Poh Kam Wong, Entrepreneurship Centre, National University of Singapore
• Yasuhisa Yamaguchi, Japan Development Bank
• Mulan Zhao, Administrative Committee of Zhongguancun Science Park

The increasing sectarian conflict in Iraq and the rise of Islamist parties like Hamas and Hezbollah have put American efforts to democratize the Middle East on hold and raised doubts among experts and policy makers about whether democracy is compatible with the Muslim faith. But in a campus appearance yesterday afternoon, former Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim offered an ardent defense of democracy in the Muslim world, telling a standing-room-only crowd in Bechtel Conference Center that "men and women are born free, even in the Islamic construct."

Alternating between serious and sporting through his two-hour speech, Ibrahim broached many of the issues aggravating relations between Islam and the West, including gender relations, American foreign policy, cultural assimilation in Europe and Pope Benedict XVI's recent comments about Islam. However, he was most outspoken regarding his home country - he was a political prisoner in Malaysia for over four years - and rejected the race - and religious-based affirmative action policies that benefit the Malay majority there.

Returning repeatedly to the topic of Muslim democracy, Ibrahim drew from historical references and personal experiences, citing the democratic regimes of Indonesia and Iran of 1950s.

"There was no debate then whether democracy was compatible with Islam," he said. "Fifty years later, we have our leaders in the Muslim world telling us we're not ready."

The fundamental nature of democracy and human rights is universal, Ibrahim emphasized, adding that problems begin with cultural miscommunication.

"We have to debunk and reject the notion, held by Muslims and non-Muslims alike, that to support democracy and freedom is to support America, "he said. "And it is important for Americans to realize democracy is a value cherished as much by Muslims as it is by Americans."

"Misperceptions are unfortunate," he added, elaborating on his impressions of American culture. "This is a country full of contradictions. The level of sophistication and intellectual flavor is unparalleled. So why must people be so prejudiced? Why is misunderstanding so pervasive? To say that Muslims are entirely anti-America is wrong."

Ibrahim offered scathing criticism of his fellow Muslims for violent reactions to both the publication of caricatures of Mohammad in a Danish newspaper in 2005 and to the more recent comment by Pope Benedict XVI referring to elements of Islam as "evil and inhuman." The cartoon spawned riots killing 139 in Nigeria, Libya, Pakistan and Afghanistan, while the Pope's remarks fueled a maelstrom of controversy, including the firebombing of Catholic churches throughout the Middle East and the shooting death of a nun in Somalia.

"There is a right to disagree but no one has the right to cause destruction or destroy life," he said. "No one has the right to call for the banning of newspapers."

Acknowledging that his comments were not necessarily indicative of Islamic public opinion, he said, "This view may not be shared by all Muslims, but I am prepared to confront them."

Ibrahim's penchant for speaking his mind and sticking to his principles has dogged the leader through a career of controversy. As a young Malaysian activist in the 1970s, he was arrested during a student protest and spent 20 months in a detention camp. Following a meteoric political ascent, he was named Deputy Prime Minister in 1993, and many expected that he was Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohammad's chosen successor.

But their relationship turned sour, and in Sept. 1998 Ibrahim was stripped of party membership and incarcerated under charges of corruption and sodomy. The charges were eventually overturned and he was released in Sept. 2004.

Regarding Malaysian politics today, Ibrahim expressed distaste toward his nation's system of bumiputera - a system of economic and social policies designed to favor ethnic Malays.

"I reject affirmative action based on race," he said. "Our policies should benefit the poor and the marginalized."

Finally, he described the need for engagement between the Islamic world and the West, criticizing the "extreme" foreign policy of the United States and its refusal to negotiate with regimes like Hamas.

"That policy is flawed," he said, adding that "to refuse to engage is a recipe for disaster."

A Singaporean student who had worked closely with the Shorenstein APARC's Southeast Asia Forum (SEAF), Siew Zhi Xiang Kevin, joined his fellow students in the Honors Program in International Security (2006) at a ceremony at Stanford on June 16, 2006. Kevin's honors thesis, completed in 2005, was entitled "Winning the Ideological War on Terrorism in Southeast Asia: Evaluating the Singapore Model."

At the ceremony, a brief summary of the work by SEAF Director Donald K. Emmerson, Kevin's adviser, was read to the audience:

In this thesis, Kevin examined the "Singapore model" of counter-terrorism--the set of steps taken by Singapore's authorities to counter the threat of violence by radical Islamists. Kevin had three questions in mind: What policies comprise this "Singapore model"? How effective have they been inside Singapore? And which (if any) of these policies might be applicable or adaptable in other Southeast Asian countries facing comparable threats? The result of Kevin's work may be the first scholarly effort to research and answer these questions. Noteworthy was the learning process he underwent as he enlarged his range of readings and informants beyond official sources. While recognizing the clear success of Singapore's efforts to prevent terrorism inside its borders, he acknowledged the need to treat Muslim Singaporeans as stakeholders not suspects. He also took into account the uniqueness of Singapore, especially compared with majority-Muslim Indonesia and Malaysia. By disaggregating the "Singapore model" into its component parts and locating these on a spectrum from most to least "exportable" to other countries, Kevin wrote a convincingly nuanced evaluation that should be of potential benefit to policymakers in Singapore and elsewhere in Southeast Asia.