Stanford University

What is the Contemporary?

As a critical category and an object of study, “the contemporary” is often taken for granted or entirely omitted from academic discussion. We often assume it is the purview of journalistic criticism, and wait for consensus to arise before considering it a viable subject of analysis. Higher learning favors the study of the past over the present, which adds institutional blindness to the inherent difficulty of considering a changing object “in real time.” This is all the more pervasive in the case of Latin American culture, which does not circulate in mainstream American humanistic discourse, and is thus relegated to an always-already past condition in our academic milieu.

The premise of the colloquium is simple and enormously thought-provoking: we seek answers –from world-class Latin American, U.S. and European intellectuals, writers, and scholars– to the question of what is the contemporary. Participants follow three main lines of inquiry, addressing questions of comparative modernities, emerging canonicity, and conceptual elucidation of contemporaneity.

Sponsored by the Division of Literatures, Cultures, and Languages; the Cultural Synchronization and Disjuncture Working Group; the Tangible Thoughts for Luso-Brazilian Culture Research Unit;  the Center for Latin American Studies, the Department of French and Italian, the Europe Center, and the Humanities Center at Stanford University

Levinthal Hall

Julio Premat Professor of Hispanic Literature Speaker Université Paris VIII
Lionel Ruffel Associate Professor of French and Comparative Literature Speaker Université Paris VIII
Diego Vecchio Argentine author based in Paris Speaker
Alejandro Zambra Chilean poet, fiction writer and literary critic Speaker
David William Foster Professor of Spanish Speaker Arizona State University
Idelber Avelar Professor of Spanish and Portugese Speaker Tulane University
Odile Cisneros Professor of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies Speaker University of Alberta
Paola Cortes-Rocca Professor Speaker San Francisco State University
Valeria de los Rios Assistant Professor Speaker Universidad Santiago de Chile
Conferences

Award offers researchers $100,000 for improving health care access

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Young Stanford researchers focusing on improving health care access in developing countries are eligible for the Dr. George Rosenkranz Prize.

The $100,000 award is given to a non-tenured professor, post-doctoral student or research associate during a two-year period. The deadline to apply is May 11. The recipient will be announced in early June

Rosenkranz, who helped first synthesize Cortisone in 1951 and went on to synthesize progestin  – the active ingredient for the first oral birth control – dedicated his career to improving health care access around the world. Born in Hungary in 1916, the chemist started his career in Mexico and helped establish the Mexican National Institute for Genomic Medicine. He lives with his wife in Menlo Park.

The award is being funded by the Rosenkranz family and administered by Stanford Health Policy, a center within the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies and the Center for Primary Care and Outcomes Research. It also is designed to give its recipients access to a network that will help them develop their careers.

Eran Bendavid, a SHP affiliate and Stanford Medical School instructor, received the first award in 2010 to support his analysis of whether money going to HIV and malaria programs in sub-Saharan Africa has improved the overall health of children and their mothers.

More application information is available at http://healthpolicy.stanford.edu/fellowships/rosenkranz_prize.

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Tanja Aitamurto

Encina Hall
616 Serra Street
Stanford, CA 94305-6055

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Visiting Researcher
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Tanja Aitamurto was a visiting researcher at the Program on Liberation Technology at the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law at Stanford University. In her PhD project she examined how collective intelligence, whether harvested by crowdsourcing, co-creation or open innovation, impacts incumbent processes in journalism, public policy making and design process. Her work has been published in several academic publications, such as the New Media and Society. Related to her studies, she advises the Government and the Parliament of Finland about Open Government principles, for example about how open data and crowdsourcing can serve democratic processes. Aitamurto now works as a postdoctoral fellow at the Brown Institute for Media Innovation at Stanford.

Aitamurto has previously studied at the Center for Design Research and at the Innovation Journalism Program at Stanford University. She is a PhD Student at the Center for Journalism, Media and Communication Research at Tampere University in Finland, and she holds a Master’s Degree in Public Policy, and a Master of Arts in Humanities. Prior to returning to academia, she made a career in journalism in Finland specializing in foreign affairs, reporting in countries such as Afghanistan, Angola and Uganda. She has also taught journalism at the University of Zambia, in Lusaka, and worked at the Namibia Press Agency, Windhoek.

She also actively participates in the developments she is studying; she crowdfunded a reporting and research trip to Egypt in 2011 to investigate crowdsourcing in public deliberation. She also practices social entrepreneurship in the Virtual SafeBox (http://designinglibtech.tumblr.com/), a project, which sprang from Designing Liberation Technologies class at Stanford. Tanja blogs on the Huffington Post and writes about her research at PBS MediaShift. More about Tanja’s work at www.tanjaaitamurto.com and on Twitter @tanjaaita.

 

 

Publications:

“Uncivil Unions: The Metaphysics of Marriage in German Idealism & Romanticism”

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RSVP deadline extended until May 30th.

 

The book launch of Professor Adrian Daub's Uncivil Unions: The Metaphysics of Marriage in German Idealism & Romanticism published by The University of Chicago Press, March 2012. "In Uncivil Unions, Daub presents a truly interdisciplinary look at the story of a generation of philosophers, poets, and intellectuals who turned away from theology, reason, common sense, and empirical observation to provide a purely metaphysical justification of marriage." - The Univ. of Chicago Press

Adrian Daub's talk will be followed by comments and discussion with Elisabeth Krimmer, Professor of German and Department Chair at the University of California at Davis.  Attendees are then invited to attend a  reception and book signing.  Copies of Uncivil Unions will be available for sale by The Stanford Bookstore.

Read about Daub's book the June 25, 2012 Stanford Report.

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Adrian Daub

Building 260, Room 202

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Professor of German Studies and Comparative Literature
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Adrian Daub is Professor of German Studies and Comparative Literature at Stanford, where he also directs the Michelle R. Clayman Institute for Gender Research, the Program in Feminist, Gender and Sexuality Studies and the Andrew W. Mellon Program for Postdoctoral Studies in the Humanities. He is the author of several books about German intellectual and cultural history, including Uncivil Unions (2012), Tristan’s Shadow (2013), and Four-Handed Monsters (2014). He has also written on popular culture and contemporary culture, including The James Bond Songs (with Charles Kronengold, 2015) and Pop Up Nation (2016). His books The Dynastic Imagination and What Tech Calls Thinking will be published in 2020. He is a frequent contributor to many national and international magazines and newspapers, including The New Republic, n+1, Longreads (United States), The Guardian (UK), Neue Zürcher Zeitung (Switzerland) and Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Die Zeit (Germany). 

Affiliated faculty at The Europe Center
Barbara D. Finberg Director, The Clayman Institute for Gender Research
Director, Program in Feminist, Gender and Sexuality Studies
Director, Andrew W. Mellon Fellowship of Scholars in the Humanities
Adrian Daub Assistant Professor of German Studies and Chair of Undergraduate Studies at DLCL Speaker Stanford
Elisabeth Krimmer Professor of German and Department Chair Commentator University of California at Davis
Conferences

Bilbao-New York-Bilbao y otros vuelos low cost. Nuevas formas de novela en el ámbito ibérico

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Lecture to be delivered in Spanish

Kirmen Uribe (Ondarroa, Basque Country, 1970), Premio Nacional de Narrativa 2009 for his novel Bilbao-New York-Bilbao and Premio Nacional de la Crítica for his poetry collection Bitartean heldu eskutik (Meanwhile take my hand, Graywolf, 2007) will discuss the writing of his novel and methodological aspects such a self-fiction, the novel's network structure,  and the construction of a hybrid genre between reality and fiction, as well as what it means to write for the world from a Basque context.

Sponsored by the Europe Center and the Iberian Studies Program

Pigott Hall (Building 260), Room 252

Kirmen Uribe Writer and poet Speaker
Seminars

Colonial Melancholia and Critical Nostalgia. The Visuality of Empire in Portuguese Culture

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Seminar Synopsis:

The memory euphoria of the past half-century has, if anything, raised awareness of the constructed or invented nature of national memories and their complexity. Because the articulation between the normative rules of public memory and the at times politically incorrect claim to a right to private memory is representational and discursive, cultural artefacts, such as literary texts, films, photographs, videos or monuments have seismically materialized as go-betweens in the memory wars. The memories of empire in the Portuguese cultural tissue have been over the past 40 years after independence of the former colonies contentious sites, where a certain colonial melancholia clashes with a critical nostalgia that has been growing particularly amongst a generation of artists born after decolonization. Colonial melancholia is not simply a result of recent traumatic events, but spreads over two centuries in a pathological inheritance filled with resentment, humiliation, violence, denial, myth and mystification. This melancholic vision of the past has been mediated and disseminated by several media from texts to monuments, photos and films, which have either become accomplices in this regime of power, or have sought to subvert it and have finally created spaces of ambivalence and hybridity. A notorious example of the mediation of the colonial regime was of course photography.  Visibility was pivotal to the image world of the imperial regime, that not only needed to dominate the reality portrayed in the new medium, but which also made use of it for the sake of its own assertive self-representation. The talk inquires into this regime of visibility and seeks by means of a practice of interference to unravel the colonial discourse that used the perceived essentializing of reality supported by visual ‘objectivity’ to create a structure of feeling based on melancholy and nostalgia that would become the dominant  memory of empire in Portuguese culture.  Arguably, in this practice of interference resonates a practice of cultural literacy that allows for the reinterpretation and re-contextualization not only of what the images showed, but  what they meant. Then again, it is precisely a regained cultural literacy in the reading of the visual that lies at the root of the project of critical visual nostalgia enacted by contemporary video artists in the fragmented deconstruction of the imaginary wholeness of nostalgic thinking embedded in home movies.

Encina Ground Floor Conference Room

Isabel Gil Professor of Cultural Theory Speaker Catholic University of Portugal
Seminars

Restoring Democracy and Peace in Mali

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Landry Signé
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On March 22, a military coup abruptly ended two decades of uninterrupted democracy in Mali, the well-reputed West African country and key counter-terrorism partner of the United States. The coup leader Army Captain Amadou Sanogo and his mutinous troops suspended the 1992 democratic constitution, took over the presidential palace, the state television and several institutions, arrested members of the government, and promised a more efficient fight against Tuareg rebels. Interruption of the Malian democracy by a belligerent military faction is a serious threat to stability, peace, and human rights given the domestic context.

Since the coup, the conflict with the Tuareg rebels has continued to worsen. The two main Tuareg groups — the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) and Islamist Ansar Dine — have gained ground and seized new territories in the north of the country, pushing for sharia law. If a domestic solution is not found quickly, African regional organizations and the international community should act in concert with Malian democratic defenders - either diplomatically or coercively  - to restore democracy and peace, and stop rebel progression before it is too lateAfrican regional organizations and the international community should act in concert with Malian democratic defenders — either diplomatically or coercively — to restore democracy and peace, and stop rebel progression before it is too late.

The Coup in Mali: Who is Behind it and Why?

Plotters deposed the widely respected and democratically elected President Amadou Toumani Touré, a little over a month before the scheduled presidential election on April 29. Coup leader Captain Sanogo justified the unconstitutional seizure of power under the guise of national security, accusing President Touré of inefficiently fighting the decades-old Tuareg rebellion, and not providing enough resources to the army.

However, given the electoral timing, reasons advanced by Captain Sanogo to justify the coup are illogical. President Touré was not a candidate in the 2012 presidential election, and had just over a month left in his second and last term in office. As a visionary leader, he respected the unique Malian societal and political culture, improved governance, and put the country on a path to sustainable economic growth. Therefore, it is not surprising that Freedom House has continued over the past two decades to classify Mali as a democratic regime — whether electoral or liberal — despite several challenges such as; weak public institutions and central government, poverty, aid dependency, the Tuareg separatist rebellion, and labor or social unrests. The coup leader’s argument is further weakened because the democratic Malian government was offering public space to potentially unsatisfied military personnel to negotiate within the constitutional framework, along with the option to openly discuss issues of concern with presidential candidates.

The Coup is Reinvigorating Fear of a Repressive Military Regime 

The coup is reinvigorating fear of the resurgence of repressive rule that reigned for decades after successive military coups. Such repressive rule must be prevented. In 1968, Lieutenant Moussa Traoré ousted the civilian government, eight years after Mali gained its independence from France. Because he was resistant to democratic changes, Traoré was ousted in 1991 by Amadou Toumani Touré in the face of widespread civil unrest and demands for greater political rights and democratic reforms.

In 1991, the Transitional Committee for the Salvation of the People (CTSP) was formed by various groups representing civil society and under the supervision of Amadou Toumani Touré. The Committee organized successful political liberalization, which included; a national conference, a constitutional referendum, a founding election won by President Alpha Oumar Konaré (1992-2002), and consequently a democratic transition in 1992. Many hope that twenty years of democratic developments are not eradicated by this coup. Captain Sanogo still has the window of opportunity to respect the Malian values and people, and end his rule, as requested by the people.

The Devastating Consequences of the Coup in Mali and Africa

The coup has significant implications on the political developments in Mali, West Africa and the African continent. It weakens the already fragile democratic institutions, and calls into question the solidity of the unique political culture, visionary leadership, and the subordination of the military to the executive that were considered by many as the foundation of Malian democracy.The coup weakens the already fragile democratic institutions, and calls into question the solidity of the unique political culture, visionary leadership, and the subordination of the military to the executive that were considered by many as the foundation of Malian democracy. In addition, it worsened the situation in the north of the country, with rebel militias controlling more towns than before the coup. The coup has consequently increased the risk of disproportionate use of force, potentially leading to more violent and deadly conflicts threatening minority groups in Mali, with negative consequences for the entire West African region.

 The coup also gives reasons — not necessarily valid — to citizens and pessimistic observers to despair about the prospect of democracy in West Africa. The spirit of democracy has recently been challenged in countries such as Cote d’Ivoire, Senegal, Mauritania, Guinea and Guinea-Bissau. If most plotters manage to stay in power, Africa may face a resurgence of military coup plots, reviving the violent nightmare of the two last decades of the twentieth century.

 Malian and International Reactions to the Coup

Malian domestic leadership and the international community have all taken serious steps towards returning the country to civilian rule and restoring the democratic system. Malian political and civil society leaders have clearly shown deep opposition to the rupture of the constitutional order, and they have requested return to the rule of law. They are peacefully demonstrating to avoid violence and to preserve national unity. On March 28, the ousted President Touré called for a consensual solution and told French Radio station RFI "what is important is democracy, institutions, and Mali." In the same vein, the international community has strongly condemned the coup, applied some diplomatic sanctions, and requested a return to an elected civilian government.

The U.N. Secretary General has called for immediate restoration of constitutional rule, and the U.N. Security Council echoed a similar sentiment by calling for "the restoration of constitutional order and the holding of elections as previously scheduled." The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) reiterated its policy of “zero tolerance” for unconstitutional seizures of power, organized high-level meetings with heads of state to persuade the junta to step-down, readied its stand-by forces, and placed an economic embargo on Mali.

The African Union immediately suspended the membership of Mali until constitutional rule is restored, and the U.S. paused military aid to Mali and urged rebels to end fighting. France has suspended its official cooperation with Mali, but maintained humanitarian aid and is pushing the U.N. Security Council to explore avenues to support ECOWAS in their efforts to restore order. Canada, the African Development Bank, the European Union, and the World Bank have all suspended their aid. These diplomatic actions, especially from ECOWAS, have pressured the junta to announce (formally but not yet effectively) the restoration of the 1992 constitution on April 1, a few days after unconstitutionally promulgating a new one. Further actions should be made in a timely manner to pressure the junta to step-down, to ensure that power is transferred back to civilian rule and constitutional order restored.

Restoring democracy and peace in Mali — diplomatically or coercively — is imperative. It will send a strong warning to those who try to undermine democratic efforts that unconstitutional appropriation of power and threats to peace and security will not be tolerated. Citizens will also be shown that they are supported in their battle for democracy and peace.  

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Joxerramon Bengoetxea

Crown Quadrangle
Stanford University
Stanford, CA 94305

(650) 724-8754
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Visiting Professor, The Europe Center
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Joxerramon Bengoetxea (PhD, Edinburgh) is Professor of Jurisprudence and Sociology of Law at the University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU).  Courses taught include “Philosophy and Sociology of Law”, European Law (free movements and cohesion policy) and “Comparing Legal Cultures” at the International Master in Sociology of Law at the Oñati Institute, which he coordinates together with the Doctorate in Sociology of Law. He is a member of the Academic Board of the “Renato Treves” International Phd in Law and Society.  While at Stanford, Professor Bengoetxea will be teaching the course "Cultural, Legal and Constitutional Pluralism in Europe" at the School of Law. This course raises interesting political, legal, socio-legal, comparative and jurisprudential questions following from phenomena like Muslim law, national minorities, the Roma, and other sources of diversity in Europe, and their challenges to supranational outlooks adopted at the two major European Courts.

Professor Bengoetxea’s publications include The Legal Reasoning of the European Court of Justice (Oxford University Press, 1993), Zuzenbideaz. Teoria kritiko trinkoa (On Law. A Compact Critical Theory, 1993) 500 page textbook on Jurisprudence (Sociology of Law, Comparative Law, Legal Theory and Political Philosophy) in the Basque language (the first original work on law produced in Basque), and La Europa Peter Pan. El constitucionalismo europeo en la encrucijada (2005) IVAP.  In addition he has edited several books and published over 140 articles or book chapters in law reviews, journals, collective editions and readers dealing with issues of legal reasoning and legal theory, EC law and institutions, regionalism in the EC, comparative law, political philosophy (theory of nationalism and of European integration).

Professor Bengoetxea's areas of interest include Legal Reasoning and Legal Theory, Comparing Legal Cultures, cultural and legal pluralism, the European Court of Justice, institutional-constitutional EU law: the legal theory, general principles, human rights, citizenship and multilingualism and European integration and the theory of State and Nation. 

The Unripe Fruits of Rapprochement: Greek-Turkish Relations and the Cyprus Question in the Post-Helsinki Era

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Ever since December 1999, when Greece lifted its longstanding veto and Turkey became an EU candidate state, Greece and Turkey have attempted to overcome animosity and mistrust and resolve their perennial disputes. I argue that despite significant improvements at the level of economic, energy cooperation and minority rights, no breakthrough has been achieved on high-politics issues. The intractable Cyprus question has remained the biggest burden to any reconciliation attempt. Positive spillover of functional cooperation cannot by itself overcome the legacy of decades of acrimonious relations and accumulated disputes. Greece’s mounting economic and social crisis and Turkey’s new foreign policy activism can pose additional obstacles to the resolution of longstanding disputes, absent determined leadership on both sides. Only strong, visionary leadership on both sides can help overcome the pending stalemate.

Ioannis Grigoriadis is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Bilkent University (Ankara, Turkey) and Research Fellow at the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP). He received his M.A. in International Affairs from the School of International & Public Affairs at Columbia University, and his Ph.D. in Politics from the School of Oriental & African Studies at the University of London. He specializes in European, Middle Eastern and comparative politics with a particular focus on energy politics, nationalism, and democratization. Among his publications are “Redefining the Nation: The Shifting Boundaries of the ‘Other’ in Greece and Turkey” (in Middle Eastern Studies, 2011), “Europe and the Impasse of Centre-Left Politics in Turkey: Lessons from the Greek Experience” ( in Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 2010), Trials of Europeanization: Turkish Political Culture and the European Union (2009), “Friends No More?: The Rise of Anti-American Nationalism in Turkey” (in Middle East Journal, 2010),  “Islam and Democratization in Turkey: Secularism and Trust in a Divided Society” (in Democratization, 2009), and “On the Europeanization of Minority Rights Protection: Comparing the Cases of Greece and Turkey” (in Mediterranean Politics, 2008)

Part of the 2011-12 lecture series on Greece and Turkey, sponsored by The Mediterranean Studies Forum and the Europe Center

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Ioannis Grigoriadis Assistant Professor of Political Science at Bilkent University (Ankara, Turkey) and Research Fellow at the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) Speaker
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