Colonialism, Extractivism, and Institutional Fragility Shaped the Elections in Peru

Colonialism, Extractivism, and Institutional Fragility Shaped the Elections in Peru

A Democracy Action Lab fieldwork mission to Lima and Cusco around Peru's first-round 2026 election finds a democracy whose deepest fractures predate the ballot.

In Brief

  • A Democracy Action Lab fieldwork mission in Peru examined how institutional instability and social exclusion are contributing to democratic erosion.
  • Researchers found that Indigenous and peasant communities continue to face political marginalization, extractivism, and limited state representation.
  • The project identified opportunities to strengthen democratic resilience through partnerships with civil society organizations, local leaders, and pro-democracy actors.
Beatriz Magaloni interviews a voter on April 12, election day, at a polling station in the province of Anta, Cusco. Several interviews were conducted that same day inside and outside polling stations in this southern Andean region.
Beatriz Magaloni interviews a voter on April 12, election day, at a polling station in the province of Anta, Cusco. Several interviews were conducted that same day inside and outside polling stations in this southern Andean region. | Manuel Ortiz

In the lead-up to Peru’s April 12, 2026, general elections, Professors Beatriz Magaloni and Alberto Díaz-Cayeros, co-directors of the Democracy Action Lab (DAL) at Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL), traveled to Lima and the Cusco region alongside DAL consultant and visual sociologist Manuel Ortiz to meet with civil society organizations. The team examined the state of democracy in Peru, built relationships with pro-democracy groups, and explored political participation and representation among Indigenous and peasant communities in the southern Andes.

DAL’s research team found that Peruvian democracy is eroding on two fronts. At the institutional level, conflict between branches of government has fueled chronic instability and normalized impeachment as a political tool. At the same time, many Peruvians — particularly marginalized communities — feel increasingly disconnected from the state due to exclusion, repression, and limited political representation. Together, these dynamics have left the country both politically unstable and socially fragmented.

Women go to vote at a polling station in the province of Anta, Cusco, Peru, during the first round of the general elections on April 12, 2026.
Women go to vote at a polling station in the province of Anta, Cusco, Peru, during the first round of the general elections on April 12, 2026. | Manuel Ortiz

A Fractured Democracy


The DAL team found that democracy in Peru is under significant strain. The country faces a structural democratic fracture, shaped by the persistence of internal colonialism, extractivism, systemic racism, and the recurrent use of impeachment as a tool for political contestation.

The past decade has been marked by relentless political instability and democratic erosion in Peru. Since the 2016 general election, the country has experienced an extraordinary turnover of leadership, with eight presidents taking office in rapid succession. This period has been defined by the repeated use of impeachment as a political tool, including three successful removals of sitting presidents, alongside one presidential dissolution of Congress and an attempted self-coup. Together, these events reflect not isolated crises, but a sustained pattern of institutional breakdown. 

A low point in this perverse dynamic was the abrupt removal of Pedro Castillo by Congress, the installation of Dina Boluarte’s government, and repression by state forces that followed.

This has consolidated a political regime that systematically kills and restricts freedom of expression and civic participation among vulnerable sectors due to their ethnic and economic conditions, as well as their geographic location. This is particularly evident among Indigenous and peasant communities in the Cusco region, whose territories are exploited without their consent.

In this sense, Peruvian democracy operates in a dual — and therefore dysfunctional — manner: on the one hand, a state that protects transnational extractive interests; on the other, Indigenous and peasant communities in the southern Andes that bear the political, environmental, health, and economic costs of this model.

Woman at a polling station in Peru.
A total of 27.3 million Peruvians were eligible to vote in the first round of the April 12, 2026, general elections. However, more than six million did not vote. | Manuel Ortiz

Fourteen percent of Peru’s territory is under some form of mining concession, affecting 35% of peasant lands (IBC/CEPES). In Cusco, 48.4% of gross value added comes from gas and hydrocarbon extraction (regional GVA 2023). However, only 32% of Indigenous communities have access to health facilities, and 92% of these lack a permanent doctor (INEI 2017). Cusco has between 18 and 26 medical specialists per 10,000 inhabitants, compared with the WHO-recommended 44.5.

When affected communities have exercised their constitutional right to protest, the state has responded with disproportionate lethal force, as seen during protests between December 2022 and February 2023 against the democratic breakdown that brought Dina Boluarte to power. During these protests, 49 civilians were killed, including peasant leader Jlinner Remo Candia Guevara on January 11, 2023. These killings were carried out selectively based on racial profiling, as documented by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), the United Nations, and Peru’s National Human Rights Coordinator.

Leopolda Guevara Ismodes stands before a mural honoring her son, Jlinner Remo Candia Guevara, who was killed on January 11, 2023, in Cusco.
Leopolda Guevara Ismodes stands before a mural honoring her son, Jlinner Remo Candia Guevara, who was killed on January 11, 2023, in Cusco. | Manuel Ortiz

DAL and Pro-Democracy Actors in Peru


Beyond producing rigorous research on democracy through innovative mixed methodologies — both quantitative and qualitative — DAL seeks to equip pro-democracy actors, such as activists, journalists, policymakers, and scholars, with advisory support and practical tools to enhance their effectiveness. To this end, DAL held meetings with key civil society actors in Peru.

According to Yudith Conto, the lawyer for the case, Remo was shot with a 9x19mm firearm used by the military. However, there has been no progress in the investigations, which allegedly involve both state security personnel who fired the shot and a general who ordered the use of force.

The DAL team held a breakfast and focus group with the family of Jlinner Remo Candia Guevara.
The DAL team held a breakfast and focus group with the family of Jlinner Remo Candia Guevara, who was president of the Anansaya Uninsaya Ccoyana Peasant Community when he was killed in 2023 at the Pachacutec roundabout in Cusco while protesting. | Manuel Ortiz

The selective killing of Indigenous and peasant leaders such as Remo, along with impunity and institutional neglect, has generated fear and fractured the organizational capacity of the community, negatively affecting democratic processes in the region. In response, DAL agreed to work with the community along two lines: producing multimedia storytelling to make the case visible and building bridges with pro-democracy organizations across Peru to rebuild organizational and political capacity.

Luis Huamaní Fuentes
In Cusco, the DAL team also met with Luis Huamaní Fuentes, president of the United Front for the Defense of the Interests of the Province of Chumbivilcas (FUDICH). | Manuel Ortiz

Chumbivilcas is located in southwestern Cusco and has a population of 69,763, 92.8% of whom identify as Quechua. Its economy is based on agriculture, livestock, and mining — often in tension. The region lies within one of South America’s key copper mining corridors, which includes three major projects totaling $13 billion in investment.

Despite this, more than 46% of the Indigenous population lives in poverty. According to Huamaní, mining projects operate without consultation or direct benefits for local populations and also contaminate agricultural land.

To support local pro-democracy efforts, DAL will collaborate with FUDICH on research into the financial influence of mining in elections and the legality of mining operations, as well as storytelling initiatives to amplify local voices nationally and internationally.

Meeting with Gabriela Vega — Recambio


The conversation with Gabriela Vega focused on the political and electoral context in Peru, marked by uncertainty, fragmentation, and declining public trust. Recambio stands out as a key actor in building democratic leadership across political parties, with a network of over 500 alumni from 28 parties.

Its work goes beyond candidate training, encompassing media engagement, leadership development, and initiatives such as “Voices Against Polarization” to improve democratic discourse. Recambio emphasizes diversity and cross-sector dialogue, helping bridge fragmented political spaces and fostering coordination.

Professors Beatriz Magaloni and Alberto Díaz-Cayeros met with members of Recambio in Lima.
Professors Beatriz Magaloni and Alberto Díaz-Cayeros met with members of Recambio in Lima. | Manuel Ortiz

Meeting with the Instituto de Estudios Peruanos (IEP)


This meeting with Jorge Morel provided a deep understanding of Peru’s structural democratic challenges, characterized by fragmentation and transactional politics rather than ideological polarization.

The Congress has become a space where actors represent sectoral interests rather than programmatic agendas, weakening democratic representation. At the same time, economic elites have maintained macroeconomic stability without building strong political institutions.

Key risks include illegal economies, electoral violence, restrictions on NGOs, and attacks on expertise. The IEP plays a central role in producing rigorous research and applied tools — such as surveys and electoral analysis — making it a strategic partner for DAL.

Peru’s Elections: The latest manifestation of a deep institutional crisis


In the first round of the 2026 Peruvian elections, Keiko Fujimori placed first, followed by leftist candidate Roberto Sánchez, who narrowly surpassed Rafael López Aliaga. Voting was extended by one day due to delays at polling stations. As results shifted in Sánchez’s favor, López Aliaga alleged electoral fraud and launched an aggressive discrediting campaign, though both European Union observers and Peruvian authorities rejected these claims. He now faces possible legal consequences for allegedly inciting civil unrest. The electoral authority confirmed the results and scheduled a second round for June 7, 2026.

DAL co-director Beatriz Magaloni in conversation with a member of the Juntos por el Perú party, who was campaigning for Anali Márquez Huanca, a vice-presidential candidate from the Cusco region.
DAL co-director Beatriz Magaloni in conversation with a member of the Juntos por el Perú party, who was campaigning for Anali Márquez Huanca, a vice-presidential candidate from the Cusco region. | Manuel Ortiz

The events of April 12, 2026, cannot be understood as an isolated episode, but rather as the latest manifestation of a deeper institutional crisis in Peru. Logistical failures, electoral uncertainty, and persistent narratives of fraud are embedded in a broader context of structural inequality, political fragmentation, and growing distance between the state and large segments of society. In this scenario, Peruvian democracy faces not only challenges of governability, but more fundamental questions about its legitimacy and capacity for representation.

At the same time, the fieldwork conducted by the Democracy Action Lab highlights the presence of actors actively working to reverse this trajectory. Organizations such as Recambio and the Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, along with grassroots actors in regions like Cusco, demonstrate the potential to rebuild democratic capacity by connecting evidence, narrative, and action.

DAL co-director Alberto Díaz-Cayeros has been closely following the electoral process, contributing to public analysis through ongoing commentary on observed dynamics. The logistical issues — particularly the late opening of polling stations in Lima — have raised important questions about their potential impact on electoral outcomes and the broader claims circulating in public debate.

This has led to the identification of an immediate line of work: the creation of a task force within DAL’s Democracy Garage, aimed at rigorously assessing these phenomena, evaluating their real impact, and contributing to a more evidence-based public debate. Beyond this specific case, the broader challenge is to transform moments of crisis into opportunities to strengthen the analytical, coordination, and response capacities of pro-democracy actors. In this lies not only an understanding of the present, but the possibility of building a more resilient democracy for the future.